Abstract:Dieser Beitrag kann vom Nutzer zu eigenen nicht-kommerziellen Zwecken heruntergeladen und/oder ausgedruckt werden. Darüber hinausgehende Nutzungen sind ohne weitere Genehmigung der Rechteinhaber nur im Rahmen der gesetzlichen Schrankenbestimmungen ( § § 44a-63a UrhG) zulässig.
“…The revival was rather short-lived, and the number of enrolled children fell again in the 1970s when it turned out that no liberalization can be expected under Soviet occupation and the restoration of the Communist hardliners. However, the decrease was distributed over several years, and it corresponds to the trend of baptisms and marriages depicted in Figure 1 (Balík and Hanuš, 2013). Simultaneously, the underground church developed religious instruction in homes, and even though the extent is hard to estimate, it could not have made up for the losses in public schools.Figure 1.Church attendance, Catholic rites and Catholic clergy in Czechia during the Communist era.…”
Section: A Brief History Of the Catholic Church In Communist Czechosl...mentioning
confidence: 78%
“…These new entrants can naturally be attributed to the relaxed anti-church policy during the thaw. However, the vast majority of students remained in the seminaries even after the Soviet invasion of 1968 and even with the prospect of tightening the anti-church measures; that is why the number of priests increased in the early 1970s (Balík and Hanuš, 2013). The suppressed demand for priesthood manifested itself again in the 1990s when new seminaries were opened after the collapse of Communist rule (Minarik, 2019).…”
Section: A Brief History Of the Catholic Church In Communist Czechosl...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Catholic clergy numbers only include the legally ministering clergy. The data are from Minarik (2021), Balík and Hanuš (2013), and Babička (2005).…”
Section: A Brief History Of the Catholic Church In Communist Czechosl...mentioning
When faced with oppression from the state, some groups and individuals choose costly opposition rather than a compromise. This may be caused by the cost of compromise being higher than the cost of opposition. However, it is also possible that the persistent opposition is due to some past decisions. The paper proposes a model explaining persistent opposition as a result of group-specific investment in human capital that traps individuals in an opposition group even when she would be better off outside the group. The model is illustrated with the case of the Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia, the largest group opposing the Communist regime. Within that context, the model contributes to the explanation of the persistence and growth of the underground church under Communist rule as well as the post-Communist religious revival. The same model may also be applied to malign opposition groups, such as terrorist and criminal organizations, and it provides clues about how to deal with them.
“…The revival was rather short-lived, and the number of enrolled children fell again in the 1970s when it turned out that no liberalization can be expected under Soviet occupation and the restoration of the Communist hardliners. However, the decrease was distributed over several years, and it corresponds to the trend of baptisms and marriages depicted in Figure 1 (Balík and Hanuš, 2013). Simultaneously, the underground church developed religious instruction in homes, and even though the extent is hard to estimate, it could not have made up for the losses in public schools.Figure 1.Church attendance, Catholic rites and Catholic clergy in Czechia during the Communist era.…”
Section: A Brief History Of the Catholic Church In Communist Czechosl...mentioning
confidence: 78%
“…These new entrants can naturally be attributed to the relaxed anti-church policy during the thaw. However, the vast majority of students remained in the seminaries even after the Soviet invasion of 1968 and even with the prospect of tightening the anti-church measures; that is why the number of priests increased in the early 1970s (Balík and Hanuš, 2013). The suppressed demand for priesthood manifested itself again in the 1990s when new seminaries were opened after the collapse of Communist rule (Minarik, 2019).…”
Section: A Brief History Of the Catholic Church In Communist Czechosl...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Catholic clergy numbers only include the legally ministering clergy. The data are from Minarik (2021), Balík and Hanuš (2013), and Babička (2005).…”
Section: A Brief History Of the Catholic Church In Communist Czechosl...mentioning
When faced with oppression from the state, some groups and individuals choose costly opposition rather than a compromise. This may be caused by the cost of compromise being higher than the cost of opposition. However, it is also possible that the persistent opposition is due to some past decisions. The paper proposes a model explaining persistent opposition as a result of group-specific investment in human capital that traps individuals in an opposition group even when she would be better off outside the group. The model is illustrated with the case of the Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia, the largest group opposing the Communist regime. Within that context, the model contributes to the explanation of the persistence and growth of the underground church under Communist rule as well as the post-Communist religious revival. The same model may also be applied to malign opposition groups, such as terrorist and criminal organizations, and it provides clues about how to deal with them.
“…2 Bishops were not invited either, and most of them were interned. Eventually, the bishops also took the oath and received the salaries; however, the first generation of bishops consecrated before the Communist coup never collaborated with the Communists (Balík and Hanuš 2013).…”
Section: The Legal Basis For the State-paid Salaries Of The Clergymentioning
The article examines the development of state-paid salaries for the clergy introduced by the Communists in Czechoslovakia from their institution in 1949 until they were removed in a major change of church-state relations in 2012. In the initial years of Communist rule, it appears that the salaries were part of a “carrot and stick” strategy aiming to subject churches to the state. Later, the real value of salaries steadily decreased, leaving priests marginalized in the economic structure. Following the collapse of the Communist regime, the salaries of the clergy were significantly increased; although, in subsequent years, they followed a trend similar to the pre-1989 period. The similarity in the development of salaries in the Communist and post-Communist period and the reluctance to restitute the church property after 1989 reflects the attitudes of the Czech population and the political representation toward organized religion and the transition from assertive to passive secularism.
“…This could be seen in many Czech nationalists' anticlericalism, notions of scientific, political and social progress, theoretical feminism, and relatively liberal attitudes towards marriage, sex and , contraception, and even abortion. 69 Church-State tensions, which were acute enough in the 1920s for relations with the Vatican to be broken off entirely, were further complicated, from the late 1930s and throughout the Second World War, by the rise to power in Slovakia of a clercial-fascist régimethe only fascist regime in Europe to be led by a Catholic priest -which was closely allied to Hitler's 71 As James Felak has recently noted, the democratizing and liberalising aims of both the papacy during the Second Vatican Council and the Czecholsovak Communist leadership during the Prague Spring gave the two 1960s reform movements, which roughly coincided, a good deal in common. 72 Although opinion polls and surveys undertaken by the Communist régime need to be treated with caution, the pattern of contrasting attitudes to religion between the Czech and Slovak republics, which continues to the present day, emerge clearly from all the available evidence.…”
Section: The Troubled History Of the Catholic Church In Czechoslovakiamentioning
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