Customary Land Disputes, Courts, and African Models in the Solomon Islands1

Tiffany, Sharon W.

doi:10.1002/j.1834-4461.1983.tb01985.x

Cited by 8 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…A similar situation occurred in Tonga when missionary-inspired late-nineteenthcentury land reforms dispossessed women of land rights" (1994: 108). In Hawai`i, American involvement "removed a queen and other high-born Hawaiian women from positions of authority" (Grimshaw 2000: 571;Linnekin 1990;Merry 2000; see also Gailey 1987;Stoler 1985;Tiffany 1983). 50 A comparison of the history of female suffrage in Burma and Thailand provides some insight into the likely impact of colonialism in similarly matrilineal societies.…”

Section: Reversing the Gazementioning

confidence: 99%

“…A similar situation occurred in Tonga when missionary-inspired late-nineteenth-century land reforms dispossessed women of land rights” (1994: 108). In Hawai`i, American involvement “removed a queen and other high-born Hawaiian women from positions of authority” (Grimshaw 2000: 571; Linnekin 1990; Merry 2000; see also Gailey 1987; Stoler 1985; Tiffany 1983). 50…”

Section: Challenging the Historiography Of Suffragementioning

confidence: 99%

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Women's Suffrage in Thailand: A Southeast Asian Historiographical Challenge

Bowie

2010

Comp Stud Soc Hist

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Although much of the history of women's suffrage has focused on the American and British struggles of the early twentieth century, a newer generation of interdisciplinary scholars is exploring its global trajectory. Fundamental to these cross-cultural comparisons is the establishment of an international timeline of women's suffrage; its order at once shapes and is shaped by its historiography. According to the currently dominant chronology, “Female suffrage began with the 1893 legislation in New Zealand” (Ramirez, Soysal, and Shanahan 1997: 738; see also Grimshaw 1987 [1972]: xiv). In this timeline, “Australia was next to act, in 1902” (ibid.). Despite the geographical location of New Zealand and Australia in greater Southeast Asia, the narrative that accompanies this timeline portrays “first world” women as leading the struggle for suffrage and “third world” women as following their example.1As Ramirez, Soysal, and Shanahan write, “A smaller early wave of suffrage extensions between 1900 and 1930 occurred mostly in European states. A second, more dramatic wave occurred after 1930” (ibid.). Similarly, Patricia Grimshaw writes, “It was principally in the English-speaking world, in the United States, in Britain and its colonial dependencies, and in the Scandinavian countries that sustained activity for women's political enfranchisement occurred. Other countries eventually followed suit” (1987: xiv).

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Section: Reversing the Gazementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Challenging the Historiography Of Suffragementioning

confidence: 99%

Women's Suffrage in Thailand: A Southeast Asian Historiographical Challenge

Bowie

2010

Comp Stud Soc Hist

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“…12 See Allan (1957) for a late example of colonial approaches to land tenure and Solomon Islands 'lineages ', andStrathern (1992a: 84, 1992b: 93-98), for general information on the consternation shown by anthropologists at having to handle the lack of closures in 'cognatic kinship', a reaction fuelled not least by Melanesian ethnography. Tiffany (1983) has examined colonial judicial processes in the Solomons whereby customary land tenure has been reified and simplified according to lineage-based models derived from African recall having answered questions from various colonial officers on specific matters regarding land tenure and its relation to 'lines' of descent. One of the officers remembered by name is 'Mr.…”

Section: Roots Of 'Essentialism': Colonial Indigenous and Anthropolomentioning

confidence: 99%

Indigenous essentialism? ‘Simplifying’ customary land ownership in New Georgia, Solomon Islands

Hviding

1993

Bijdr taal land volkenkd

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Recent 'anti-essentialist' views in anthropology hold that socio-cultural phenomena have been studied with an exaggerated emphasis on patterns and order and cultural uniformity, thereby obscuring diversity, flux and variability (Vayda 1990). Such views have influenced a number of contemporary anthropological studies which duly emphasize dynamic cultural creativity on the local level (e.g. Borofsky 1987; Barth 1987). Indeed, some commentators see variation itself, and not order or degrees of normative consensus, as the main object of study (Rosaldo 1988). 1 Another important recent field of inquiry focuses on the active reconstitution or 'construction' of 'tradition' in the Pacific, particularly in colonial and post-colonial discourse and rhetoric. It has been commonly argued that the 'politics of tradition' in many Pacific Island societies (and elsewhere) tend to involve a certain level of reification or 'objectification'. 2 From this it may be inferred that an 'essentialization' of ' EDVARD HVIDING received his PhD in 1993 from the University of Bergen, where he is now Associate Professor of Social Anthropology. Since 1986 he has carried out 27 months of field research in the Solomon Islands. He has also been involved in applied research on fisheries and aquaculture development for regional organizations in the South Pacific. Recent publications include

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“…I also acknowledge the development of bounded, land-owning groups to fit corporate conceptualizations of patrilineal models in Melanesia and the Pacific (see, esp., Burt 1994;Ernst 1999;Guddemi 1997;Sillitoe 1999;Strathern and Stewart 1998;Tiffany 1983;Weiner 1998). The process of institutionalizing groups in global contexts has been variously labelled, from entification (Ernst 1999) to substantivization (Thomas 1992), within a body of literature highlighting the link between development values and the emergence of bounded descent units.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Andrew Strathern and Pamela Stewart (1998:217) identify the relationship between colonial development values and unilineal descent, arguing that models of unilineality and customary communal land tenure identified by anthropologists in Africa were likely to have developed in conjunction with enforced colonial ideals of land tenure and inheritance (see also Harris 1968;Kuper 1973;Ranger 1983;Tiffany 1983). A similar outcome can be identified in postcolonial Papua New Guinea where development values force indigenous customary land tenure principles to adapt in order to justify their use of, and rights to, land (Strathern and Stewart 1998).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Fasu Solidarity: A Case Study of Kin Networks, Land Tenure, and Oil Extraction in Kutubu, Papua New Guinea

Gilberthorpe

2007

American Anthropologist

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In the Fasu region of Papua New Guinea's fringe highlands, the oil extraction industry has imposed development values and the identification of corporate groups as beneficiary landowners. In response, Fasu males have tightened the boundaries of their agnatic descent groups to become exclusive patriunits. Cash royalties are incorporated into sociopolitical exchange, so the formation of exclusive kin groups allows males to expand social networks to other regions, whilst ensuring continuing wealth for future generations. Consequently, males are becoming isolated from pre–oil exchange networks, and females are becoming isolated within villages. In this article, I map the transition of Fasu kin networks from an ideology of descent to a dogma of descent and patrilineal solidarity, locating the transition in the symbolic codes that inform kin categories. I aim to highlight some consequences of “development” and to advance knowledge on the link between kinship and descent in a postcolonial, industry‐dominated Papua New Guinea.

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Customary Land Disputes, Courts, and African Models in the Solomon Islands1

Cited by 8 publications

References 12 publications

Women's Suffrage in Thailand: A Southeast Asian Historiographical Challenge

Women's Suffrage in Thailand: A Southeast Asian Historiographical Challenge

Indigenous essentialism? ‘Simplifying’ customary land ownership in New Georgia, Solomon Islands

Fasu Solidarity: A Case Study of Kin Networks, Land Tenure, and Oil Extraction in Kutubu, Papua New Guinea

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