2019
DOI: 10.1080/1369183x.2019.1583095
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Culture in the ‘politics of identity’: conceptions of national identity and citizenship among second-generation non-Gulf Arab migrants in Dubai

Abstract: Article (Accepted Version) http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Akinci, Idil (2019) Culture in the 'politics of identity': conceptions of national identity and citizenship among second generation non-Gulf Arab migrants in Dubai. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies.

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Cited by 22 publications
(20 citation statements)
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“…While their emotional belonging invoked a sense of shared identity as “Pakistani” in Dubai and references to Pakistani culture and the Islamic religion, the participants did not articulate any “specific political [italics added] projects aimed at constructing belonging” (Yuval-Davis, 2006: 197), such as political claims-making related to permanent residency and citizenship rights. These findings contrast with previous studies of both Indian and non-Gulf Arab migrants, and especially second-generation migrants in Dubai, who claim their deservedness of Emirati citizenship on the basis of their “parents’ contributions to building the nation and its economic growth” (Akinci, 2019: 6). In contrast, Pakistani middle-class migrants in our study expressed an ipso facto acceptance of their temporary status, which is tied to their middle-class status and the availability of opportunities for onward transnational migration (Ali, 2011).…”
Section: Discussioncontrasting
confidence: 99%
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“…While their emotional belonging invoked a sense of shared identity as “Pakistani” in Dubai and references to Pakistani culture and the Islamic religion, the participants did not articulate any “specific political [italics added] projects aimed at constructing belonging” (Yuval-Davis, 2006: 197), such as political claims-making related to permanent residency and citizenship rights. These findings contrast with previous studies of both Indian and non-Gulf Arab migrants, and especially second-generation migrants in Dubai, who claim their deservedness of Emirati citizenship on the basis of their “parents’ contributions to building the nation and its economic growth” (Akinci, 2019: 6). In contrast, Pakistani middle-class migrants in our study expressed an ipso facto acceptance of their temporary status, which is tied to their middle-class status and the availability of opportunities for onward transnational migration (Ali, 2011).…”
Section: Discussioncontrasting
confidence: 99%
“…Several ethnographic studies show that citizenship, conceived of in terms of territorial belonging, is an important issue for many South Asian migrants, especially the second generation, who often perceive themselves as “second-class” citizens (Kanna, 2011; Vora, 2013). As some scholars (e.g., Akinci, 2019) argue, second-generation migrants have claimed the “right” to remain in Dubai based on their long-standing presence and contributions to the city. For Ali (2011), however, second-generation expatriates in Dubai do not perceive citizenship as an issue; they accept their temporary status as permanent, and by simultaneously possessing residency or citizenship rights in some Western countries, they exhibit a transnational behavior by studying and working abroad and spanning their life across multiple countries.…”
Section: Temporariness and Belonging In The Gcc Countriesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Other immigrants who settled in the Trucial States prior to the UAE's formation included non-Gulf Arabs, especially from Egypt, Iraq, Syria, Jordan, Palestine, and Sudan, who established courts, schools, hospitals, and other institutions in the Trucial States (Chalcraft 2010; Akinci 2020). While these immigrants were initially recruited by Trucial State rulers, from the 1950s onward, British agents and ruling elites strategically used national-origin controls to prevent non-Gulf Arab immigration, perceived to pose a subversive Pan-Arab Nationalist threat (Chalcraft 2010; Lori 2019, 106–9).…”
Section: Background: Citizens and Waves Of Migration To The Uaementioning
confidence: 99%
“…While these immigrants were initially recruited by Trucial State rulers, from the 1950s onward, British agents and ruling elites strategically used national-origin controls to prevent non-Gulf Arab immigration, perceived to pose a subversive Pan-Arab Nationalist threat (Chalcraft 2010; Lori 2019, 106–9). Thus, despite sharing a common language and Arab ethnic identity, many second- and third-generation immigrants from other parts of the Arab world have not received Emirati citizenship (Akinci 2020).…”
Section: Background: Citizens and Waves Of Migration To The Uaementioning
confidence: 99%
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