Abstract:Recent intervention for young children has included parent training. The premise for this training is based in research on parent-child interaction. However, these studies have focused on white, middle-class families. More recent research suggests that not all cultures follow the same pattern. This study explored the relationship between attention regulation, pragmatic input, object manipulation and later language competence in Chinese-immigrant and British caregiver-infant dyads. Microanalytical techniques we… Show more
“…A few studies on the interaction between Malaysian mothers and their adolescent children (Elias & Tan 2009;Keshavarz & Baharudin 2009;Lin & Lian 2011) revealed that Malaysian mothers tend to have expectations that their adolescent children follow their directives either unconditionally (i.e., authoritarian) or with rooms for explanations and negotiations (i.e., authoritative). The findings of culture-specific language teaching beliefs in Malaysia are consistent with findings pertaining to other collectivist cultures, such as those on the Chinese (Johnston & Wong 2002) and Indian mothers (Simmons & Johnston 2007) in Canada, and Chinese mothers in the UK (Vigil 2002). The mothers of these studies demonstrated (1) culture-specific preferences such as the use of instructions over play to teach young children language and (2) more attention-directing behaviours than attention sharing with their young children.…”
Section: General Beliefs On Language Teaching and Learning In Malaysiasupporting
ABSTRACT"Following the child's lead" and "collaborative consultation with parents" are solidly grounded in the best practice of early language intervention. However, the success of these two practices are based on assumptions that they are valued by families and that they can be feasibly implemented by the attending speech-language pathologist (SLP)
“…A few studies on the interaction between Malaysian mothers and their adolescent children (Elias & Tan 2009;Keshavarz & Baharudin 2009;Lin & Lian 2011) revealed that Malaysian mothers tend to have expectations that their adolescent children follow their directives either unconditionally (i.e., authoritarian) or with rooms for explanations and negotiations (i.e., authoritative). The findings of culture-specific language teaching beliefs in Malaysia are consistent with findings pertaining to other collectivist cultures, such as those on the Chinese (Johnston & Wong 2002) and Indian mothers (Simmons & Johnston 2007) in Canada, and Chinese mothers in the UK (Vigil 2002). The mothers of these studies demonstrated (1) culture-specific preferences such as the use of instructions over play to teach young children language and (2) more attention-directing behaviours than attention sharing with their young children.…”
Section: General Beliefs On Language Teaching and Learning In Malaysiasupporting
ABSTRACT"Following the child's lead" and "collaborative consultation with parents" are solidly grounded in the best practice of early language intervention. However, the success of these two practices are based on assumptions that they are valued by families and that they can be feasibly implemented by the attending speech-language pathologist (SLP)
“…Culturally determined definitions of developmental abilities such as knowledge (Zambrano & Greenfield, 2004), creativity (Baldwin, 2001), and language (McCollum & Chen, 2001;Posada, Carbonell, Alzate, & Plata, 2004;Suizzo, 2004;Vigil, 2002) may also affect the ways children and families from linguistically and culturally diverse backgrounds report information. Zambrano and Greenfield (2004) hypothesized that ''different ethnic groups have their own implicit, informal theories of knowledge and that these ethno-theories form the assumptions on which the explicit formal theories are based'' (p. 251).…”
In cross-cultural child development research there is often a need to translate instruments and instructions to languages other than English. Typically, the translation process focuses on ensuring linguistic equivalence. However, establishment of linguistic equivalence through translation techniques is often not sufficient to guard against validity threats. In addition to linguistic equivalence, functional equivalence, cultural equivalence, and metric equivalence are factors that need to be considered when research methods are translated to other languages. This article first examines cross-cultural threats to validity in research. Next, each of the preceding factors is illustrated with examples from the literature. Finally, suggestions for incorporating each factor into research studies of child development are given.
“…Children consistently take roles in ongoing interactions and events in their communities, thus appropriating key-elements from their cultures through joint-exploration (Rogoff, 1990). The current study broadens the scope of accumulated knowledge in the field which established that these processes occur at the microsystem level (Mundy and Neal, 2000; Van-Hecke et al, 2007; Mundy and Jarrold, 2010) and the macrosystem level (Vigil, 2002; Vigil et al, 2006). The present findings extend this line to intermediate levels as well, showing that JA might be the mechanism connecting between cultural values and their behavioral manifestations at various ecological levels.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 74%
“…For example, differences were found between Western and Non-Western societies in JA behaviors. Thus it was shown, that in western societies JA seems to be directed more by the child, as opposed to non-western societies in which JA is more parent-directed (Vigil, 2002). This phenomenon was explained by the different belief systems between the Chinese culture and the British culture regarding the child's abilities and needs (Vigil, 2002).…”
Exchanging gazes with a social partner in response to an event in the environment is considered an effective means to direct attention, share affective experiences, and highlight a target in the environment. This behavior appears during infancy and plays an important role in children's learning and in shaping their socio-emotional development. It has been suggested that cultural values of the community affect socio-emotional development through attentional dynamics of social reference (Rogoff et al., 1993). Maturational processes of brain-circuits have been found to mediate socio-cultural learning and the behavioral manifestation of cultural norms starting at preschool age (Nelson and Guyer, 2011). The aim of the current study was to investigate the relations between cultural ecology levels and children's joint attention (JA). Initiation of JA bids was studied empirically as a function of the level of social load of the target toy (3 levels), the community level of adherence to traditional values (3 levels), parental education (2 levels), and gender. Sixty-two kindergarten aged children were enrolled in a structured toy-exploration task, during which they were presented with toys of various social loads, with social agents (i.e., mother and experimenter) present nearby, and non-social distracters presented intermittently. Measurements included the child's number of JA bids and the extent of positive affect. Analysis of variance indicated that the child's initiation of JA toward the social partner was affected by all levels of cultural ecology (i.e., toy's social load, adherence to tradition values, parental education, gender), thus supporting the study's hypotheses. The effects were such that overall, children, particularly girls' JA initiation was augmented in social toys and moderated by the socio-cultural variables. These results suggest that cultural ecology is related to children's JA, thereby scaffolding initiation of social sharing cues between children and adults. JA plays a role in adjusting children's internal representations of their respective ecological environment.
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