Cultural Dilemmas of Progressive Politics

Hart, Stephen M.

doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226318196.001.0001

Cited by 164 publications

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“…Although we know much about how congregations influence individuals' political involvement, we know very little about the ways in which congregations are politically engaged as organizational actors. From social movement literature, we know that congregations' infrastructures have been "cooptable" in such diverse collective action efforts as the U.S. civil rights movement, anti-abortion activism, conservative Christian grassroots mobilizing, the U.S. Central American peace movement, and recent community organizing (Hart 2001;Jaffe, Lindheim, and Lee 1981;Liebman 1983;McAdam 1999;McCarthy 1987;Morris 1984;Park 1998;Smith 1996;Warren 2001;Wood 1999Wood , 2002Zald and McCarthy 1987). We also know that clergy sometimes attempt to mobilize congregations by organizing political discussion and action groups within congregations, discussing political issues from the pulpit, and requesting that parishioners vote in elections, take part in other political actions, and back certain candidates and positions (Beatty and Walter 1989;Cavendish 2001;Guth et al 1997Guth et al , 1998Harris 1999;Kohut et al 2000;Olson 2000;Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995;Welch et al 1993).…”

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confidence: 99%

“…Mobilization efforts on behalf of clergy within congregations are not tantamount to mobilization efforts of congregations. Prior research has shown that both laity and actors external to religious congregations-candidates, officials, and activists-often attempt to mobilize congregations for a variety of political causes and issues (Greenberg 1999(Greenberg , 2000Harris 1999;Hart 2001;Hertzke 1993;Wald 1991;Warren 2001;Wood 2002). Focusing exclusively on what clergy do politically within congregations offers only a partial portrait of what congregations do politically.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…This research largely consists of qualitative studies of particular congregations. We have learned from these studies that congregations sometimes engage in such political activities as organizing voter registration drives, distributing voter guides, hosting political leaders, and participating in marches aimed at solving community problems (Becker 1999;Greenberg 1999Greenberg , 2000Harris 1999;Hart 2001;Pattillo-McCoy 1998;Warren 2001;Wood 1994Wood , 1999Wood , 2002. But since these congregations were selected based on specific demographic and other characteristics-in some cases precisely because they were politically active-their findings are not broadly generalizable to other congregations.…”

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confidence: 99%

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The Political Activities of Religious Congregations in the United States

Beyerlein¹,

Chaves²

2003

Scientific Study of Religion

132

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In recent decades, much research has focused on how religious congregations affect individuals' political participation. However, only scant attention has been paid to examining the various ways in which religious congregations engage in political activism as formal organizational entities. Using data from the 1998 National Congregations Study (NCS), a survey of a nationally representative sample of 1,236 religious congregations, we begin to fill this gap in our knowledge about religion and politics. We report the rates at which congregations engage in a broad range of political activity, and we examine variations in this activity among major religious traditions. We emphasize two basic findings. First, although in absolute terms congregations' levels of political activism seem rather low, relative to other nonpolitical organizations they engage in politics in substantial numbers. Second, there are qualitative rather than quantitative differences in political activity across religious traditions. Religious traditions specialize in different modes of political participation, a fact that is obscured when attention is focused solely on the political activities of conservative religious groups.The emergence and continuing presence of the Christian Right in American politics have generated a great deal of social scientific research about the relationship between religion and political activity in the United States. Substantial variation between religious and nonreligious people and among individuals affiliated with the various major religious traditions in America has been found in such diverse political activities as voting turnout and choice, lobbying elected officials, engaging in collective communal action, and participating in protests (

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The Political Activities of Religious Congregations in the United States

Beyerlein¹,

Chaves²

2003

Scientific Study of Religion

132

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“…For example, groups from more liberal theological traditions may possess the vocabulary and group‐building customs that encourage ties that bridge religious groups. Such customs may include a willingness to engage in discussions about the relationship between religion and society—(what Lichterman calls “social reflexivity), and a commitment to drawing inclusive group boundaries (Lichterman 2005:15–16, 255–56; see also Hart 2001:14–19, 108–12). Wood (2002:68–75) shows how alliances between religious and secular movement organizations are facilitated when religious groups are able to pursue joint political action without having to sacrifice or compromise on their sacred core.…”

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confidence: 99%

The Structure of Religious Environmentalism: Movement Organizations, Interorganizational Networks, and Collective Action

Ellingson

Woodley

Paik

2012

Scientific Study of Religion

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Historically, religious groups have been absent from the American environmental movement, but since the late 1990s a host of new religious environmental movement organizations (REMOs) have emerged. Little is known about REMOs or how religion structures the nascent movement field. Drawing on interviews with leaders of 63 REMOs in the United States, we examined whether theological frames and religious affiliations, on the one hand, and environmental interests, on the other, shaped the formation of information exchange and joint action between REMOs. The results show that shared religious affiliations and theological frames are directly associated with joint action between REMOs. In contrast, shared environmental interests are associated directly with information exchange, but not joint action. The results suggest that cultural aspects of religion are linked to the structure of the religious environmental movement.

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“…Large growth in conservative intellectual activities, think tanks, foundations, research centers, and conservative journalism including college and university publications, mainstream and alternative media have also emerged in recent decades (Hart, 2001;Nash, 1996;Stefancic & Delgado, 1996;Rich, 2004a;Soley, 1998). The most influential conservative think tanks include the Heritage Foundation, American Enterprise Institute, Free Congress Research and Education Foundation, Cato Institution, and Citizens for a Sound Economy (NCRP, 1997) (See Table 1).…”

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confidence: 97%