Cuestionamientos al modelo extractivista neoliberal desde el sur Capitalismo, territorios y resistencias

Alister, Cristian; Cuadra, Ximena; Vejar, Dastén Julián; Pantel, Blaise; Ponce, Camila

doi:10.26448/ae9789566095316.18

Cited by 5 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 71 publications

(94 reference statements)

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“…O autor também destaca que apesar do neoextrativismo ter impactos locais ele é determinado por condições externas de demanda e preços. Por fim, ainda segundo Gudynas (2021), deve-se destacar que os recursos originados destas atividades são extraídos e/ou colhidos, não são fruto de qualquer espécie de beneficiamento ou manufatura.…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

“Buen Vivir” e “Extrativismo”: transformação produtiva no Equador durante o Governo de Rafael Correa

Freitas¹,

Ferreira²

2023

DesDeb

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Muitos críticos têm denominado os chamados governos progressistas de neoextrativistas. Teriam apenas reproduzido a tradicional estrutura produtiva orientada pelas atividades primário-exportadoras. Este trabalho analisará o caso do Equador durante o governo de Rafael Correa (2007-2017). O objetivo é mensurar o ritmo e a direção do processo de mudança estrutural do país, principalmente, durante o período de vigência dos planos nacionais para o Buen Vivir (2009 a 2013 e 2013 a 2017). Foi realizada uma análise setorial da manufatura através do uso da classificação por intensidade tecnológica adotada pela OCDE. Os resultados apresentam avanços significativos nos subsetores mais tecnológicos da indústria de transformação equatoriana, contradizendo o argumento de que a estrutura produtiva em nada se modificou.

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Section: Introductionunclassified

“Buen Vivir” e “Extrativismo”: transformação produtiva no Equador durante o Governo de Rafael Correa

Freitas¹,

Ferreira²

2023

DesDeb

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“…En primer lugar, la coyuntura de conflicto sindical, entre la Confederación de Trabajadores del Cobre (CTC) y la Corporación Nacional del Cobre (CODELCO), en julio del año 2015 (Valdebenito y Knipp, 2018). En segundo lugar, al conflicto socioecológico propiciado por la actividad acuícola en la isla de Chiloé, entre los meses de abril y mayo del año 2016 (Broitman y Jara, 2020;Mondaca, 2021). En tercer lugar, al estallido del año 2019, cuyo punto álgido se ubicó entre los meses de octubre y noviembre (Morales, 2020).…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

Democracia, crisis y violencia: fisuras para la democratización del Chile post-2019

Valdebenito¹,

Marambio

2023

disjuntiva

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El objetivo general del presente estudio es caracterizar los procesos de irrupción, progresión y desenlace que evidencian los episodios de conflictividad social ocurridos en Chile, entre los años 2015 y 2020. Como unidades de observación se consideran la coyuntura de huelga minera en que fue asesinado Nelson Quichillao (2016); el mayo chilote (2016); el estallido social (2019); y la rebelión del hambre de la comuna de El Bosque (2020). Se emplea al análisis del contenido de fuentes secundarias, correspondientes estas a literatura académica y recortes de prensa local. La observación integrada de los casos indica como principal resultado la persistencia de una baja capacidad sistémica del entramado institucional chileno a la hora de anticipar y reaccionar ante la sucesión de momentos de conflicto social. Ello se expresa en la implementación reiterada de una estrategia de gestión de la crisis basada en la militarización (vía promulgación del Estado de excepción), criminalización mediático-jurídica de la protesta social y otorgación de concesiones mínimas (y/o parciales) a los sectores movilizados. Como discusión, se plantea que tal estrategia, implementada durante las segundas administraciones respectivas de Michelle Bachelet (2014-2018) y Sebastián Piñera (2018-2022) permiten codificar el surgimiento y fortalecimiento de nuevos referentes políticos, pero que hoy evidencian ser portadores de una serie de tendencias críticas para la estabilidad democrática de la formación social chilena.

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“…In this sense, it was useful to consider the debates on rentier states (Burchardt, Larrea and Peters 2016;Gudynas 2021), the governance of extractivism (Bebbington et al 2018), conflicts in territories (Aranibar, Chaparro Ávila and Salgado Pavez 2011;Jaskoski 2011), the implementation of the prior consultation of ILO Convention 169 (Flemmer and Schilling-Vacaflor 2016;Rodríguez-Piñero 2005), ecological degradation (Tebtebba 2003) and industrialization policies (Burchardt et al 2016;Ströbele-Gregor 2015). Thus, this dissertation is based and builds on broad theoretical reflections on the Bolivian plurinational transition and its different key moments.…”

Section: The Challenge Of Implementation: Existing Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Plurinational Challenge

Barié

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This dissertation examines the achievements and limitations of indigenous-inspired state transformation towards a more participatory democracy. It takes as its case study the "process of change" (proceso de cambio) in Bolivia, which has been driven by a broad popular mobilisation since the beginning of the century and later led to a government programme of the Movement for Socialism (MAS, Movimiento al Socialismo) party, which won the 2005 elections. One of the most novel aspects of these transformations has undoubtedly been the inclusion of indigenous thought under the banner of the plurinational state. Plurinationality, understood as a "meta-concept" resulting from a cultural appropriation (Bonfil 1991), brings together a number of other demands, including the decolonisation of society, the establishment of territorial autonomy, the management of natural resources that respects the rights of Mother Earth (Pachamama), and a development model based on coexistence rather than profit maximisation. The plurinational state is understood as an ambitious political project that adapts and integrates a historical claim to territorial defence into a comprehensive model of state reform (Altmann 2016). Four key moments of this transformation are examined: the constitutionalisation of some indigenous proposals in Bolivia (2009) and Ecuador (2008), the struggle for direct representation (2011), the codification and application of the rights of Mother Earth (2010; 2012) and, finally, the awakening of an ecological conscience during the forest fire crisis in the Chiquitanía region of eastern Bolivia (2019). Each of these analyses was originally published separately in different peer-reviewed journals. Taken together, these cases capture the different perspectives and expectations of the relevant actors in this conflictive transformation of the state, and examine their participation in the process of implementation and transformation into public policy. In this context, the implementation of these new principles is understood as an ongoing process without a concrete end point, which involves overcoming numerous obstacles and considering different dimensions of change. This dissertation is guided by three theoretical perspectives (Chapter 1): From the perspective of legal anthropology, it is interested in how indigenous peoples transform the legal foundations of their countries through hybrid legal innovations (Bonilla Maldonado 2018). It also asks about the margins and limits of indigenous social agency, understood as "the capacity of ethnic actors to act on themselves and their environment" (Martínez Neira et al. 2019:3). Finally, it considers the symbolic effects of these changes and the ability of the state to create new narratives and promote certain ideas about indigenous peoples and delegitimise others (Hale 2007; Postero 2017). The study fills a gap in the literature with its aim to capture different dimensions of the practical implementation of new indigenous-inspired legal concepts and its emphasis on the symbolic dimensions.

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Cuestionamientos al modelo extractivista neoliberal desde el sur Capitalismo, territorios y resistencias

Cited by 5 publications

References 71 publications

“Buen Vivir” e “Extrativismo”: transformação produtiva no Equador durante o Governo de Rafael Correa

“Buen Vivir” e “Extrativismo”: transformação produtiva no Equador durante o Governo de Rafael Correa

Democracia, crisis y violencia: fisuras para la democratización del Chile post-2019

The Plurinational Challenge

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