Croatia's Politics of the Past during the Tuđman Era (1990–1999)—Old Wine in New Bottles?

Radonić, Ljiljana

doi:10.1017/s0067237813000143

Cited by 6 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…Объясняя условия, при которых подобная реабилитация усташества стала возможна, а исторический ревизионизм обрёл прочные позиции, исследователи обращаются к политике «национального примирения», проводившейся Туджманом (Bellamy 2003;Uzelac 1998;Radonic 2003). Первый президент отстаивал идею того, что и партизаны, и усташи боролись за достижение общей целихорватской независимости, поэтому для национального сплочения хорватов, их потомков, необходимо взаимное прощение и забвение прежней ненависти (Đurašković 2016: 777) 6 .…”

Section: Mgimo Review Of International Relations • 13(4) • 2020unclassified

«In Memory of the Innocent Victims…»? Bleiburg – controversial “place of memory” in Croatia

Белов

Кузнецова

2020

Vestnik MGIMO-universiteta

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The article is devoted to the Bleiburg myth in the politics of memory in modern Croatia. In mid-May 1945 the contingents which were trying to move to the West and avoid the possible reprisals against them by the victorious communists were transferred to the Yugoslav partisans by the British military administration. Among them prevailed the members of Croatian Ustasha and Slovene Home Guard, but there were also representatives of other nationalities of Yugoslavia. Soon after the war all the victims of the massacres that took place in 1945 and those who died from hunger and illness during the transfer were Croatized through the efforts of the Croatian emigration. After the collapse of Yugoslavia and during the war (1991–1995), the Bleiburg myth began to acquire official status. The return of Ustasha soldiers as heroes to the public sphere under F. Tudjman was due to the concept of «national reconciliation», which was carried out not through awareness of guilt and acceptance of responsibility for the crimes committed, but through their full or partial justification.The first part of the article reviews the research literature on the Bleiburg myth, the stages of its formation and functional significance. The second part examines the public debate around the Sarajevo mass for the murdered and other commemorative events in the anniversary in May 2020. They are compared with the evaluations of the Bleiburg narrative-ritual complex expressed in the literature.The 75th anniversary of Bleiburg commemorated in an atmosphere of fatigue from the restrictions due to the coronavirus pandemic and on the eve of the Croatian parliamentary elections, demonstrated deep social division, the contested character of history and the political interest in discussing this tragedy. Comparison of the research literature with publications in the mass press indicates the obviousness of the functional model of the Bleiburg myth for a significant segment of Croatian society. Although the demand for renewal of the memorial repertoire seems to have increased, it is still not enough for the transition to the new politics of memory.

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Section: Mgimo Review Of International Relations • 13(4) • 2020unclassified

«In Memory of the Innocent Victims…»? Bleiburg – controversial “place of memory” in Croatia

Белов

Кузнецова

2020

Vestnik MGIMO-universiteta

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“…Yugoslav names and symbols disappeared from public spaces (Rihtman-Auguštin 2000;Lebhaft 2013), educational and cultural institutions were overhauled (Bingula 2012;Koren 2015), and new public holidays instituted (Rihtman-Auguštin 2000). Yugoslavian anti-fascism was replaced with a lenient attitude towards NDH (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska: Independent State of Croatia, this volume Zaremba) symbols 6 (Pavlaković 2008a;Radonić 2013). NDH was re-interpreted as an era of "independence", as opposed to Yugoslav "oppression", while new monuments and nomenclature revived figures from the distant past (Rihtman-Auguštin 2000;Grgin 2007).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Narratives of Gender, War Memory, and EU-Scepticism in the Movement Against the Ratification of the Istanbul Convention in Croatia

Obajdin¹,

Golušin²

2020

Europeanisation and Memory Politics in the Western Balkans

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The chapter analyses how the movement against the Istanbul Convention in Croatia used historical memory to frame the Convention and argue against gender and sex-based equality. It begins with the assumption of a mutually shaping relationship between memory agents and memory regimes to explore how the movement's discourses emerged from post-accession shifts in Croatia's discursive opportunity structures. To map the ties between the movement's discourses and pre-existing nationalist discourses, we use Van Leeuwen's theory of recontextualisation. We argue that post-accession, EU membership could no D. Obajdin (B)

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“…A predominant part of the scholarship dealing with post-Communist Croatia points to a strong right-wing historical revisionism that was undertaken by the 1990s government headed by President Franjo Tudman, especially regarding the legacy of World War II (WWII) in Croatia (Uzelac 1998(Uzelac , 2006Bellamy 2003;Gagnon 2004;Goldstein and Hutinec 2007;Dulic 2009;Radonic 2012aRadonic , 2012bRadonic , 2013. Following Tudmari's notorious utterance that the Croatian Nazi-puppet state was an expression of the historic aspirations of the Croatian people to establish their own state, the process of revisionism purportedly obscured the Partisan anti-fascist legacy of Josip Broz Tito and instead rehabilitated the legacy of the Croatian Ustasa.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

National identity-building and the “Ustaša-nostalgia” in Croatia: the past that will not pass

Đurašković

2016

Natl. pap.

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Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tuđman, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Ustaša and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Ustaša has been linked to Tuđman's national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular “forgetting of the past.” The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Ustaša successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Ustaša. Hence, this article will present how “Ustaša-nostalgia” does not stem from Tuđman's intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tuđman's nation-building idea. Namely, Tuđman's condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in “Ustaša-nostalgia” due to the hesitation of the post-Tuđman Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics.

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Croatia's Politics of the Past during the Tuđman Era (1990–1999)—Old Wine in New Bottles?

Cited by 6 publications

References 8 publications

«In Memory of the Innocent Victims…»? Bleiburg – controversial “place of memory” in Croatia

«In Memory of the Innocent Victims…»? Bleiburg – controversial “place of memory” in Croatia

Narratives of Gender, War Memory, and EU-Scepticism in the Movement Against the Ratification of the Istanbul Convention in Croatia

National identity-building and the “Ustaša-nostalgia” in Croatia: the past that will not pass

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