“…The Japanese Communist Party is a 'small fringe party' in Japan that has 'always maintained a distance from Moscow'. It supports Article 9 of the Japanese constitution, which bans Japan from waging war, and opposes the US -Japan Security Treaty, but accepts the emperor as the symbolic head of 22 state.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 94%
“…11 After decades of success, however, the LDP was not able to bring Japan out of the economic doldrums that began in the 1990s, and the neo-liberal economic reforms that they instituted were blamed for worsening the situation. 12 In 2009, the LDP was defeated by the newly formed Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), which pledged to cut back on large, expensive public work projects and emphasise social welfare programmes. 13 The DPJ, however, was not able to live up to expectations, and the public (and media) were particularly critical of the government's handling of relief and recovery after the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami of March 2011 and subsequent meltdowns at the Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant.…”
This study analyses the coverage of the London 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games on the front pages of the morning editions of five Japanese newspapers of diverse circulations and political and ideological orientations. It finds similarities among the newspapers in the amount and focus of coverage, and differences in their editorial positions on the Games and their use of Olympic materials in other political and ideological discourses.
“…The Japanese Communist Party is a 'small fringe party' in Japan that has 'always maintained a distance from Moscow'. It supports Article 9 of the Japanese constitution, which bans Japan from waging war, and opposes the US -Japan Security Treaty, but accepts the emperor as the symbolic head of 22 state.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 94%
“…11 After decades of success, however, the LDP was not able to bring Japan out of the economic doldrums that began in the 1990s, and the neo-liberal economic reforms that they instituted were blamed for worsening the situation. 12 In 2009, the LDP was defeated by the newly formed Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), which pledged to cut back on large, expensive public work projects and emphasise social welfare programmes. 13 The DPJ, however, was not able to live up to expectations, and the public (and media) were particularly critical of the government's handling of relief and recovery after the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami of March 2011 and subsequent meltdowns at the Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant.…”
This study analyses the coverage of the London 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games on the front pages of the morning editions of five Japanese newspapers of diverse circulations and political and ideological orientations. It finds similarities among the newspapers in the amount and focus of coverage, and differences in their editorial positions on the Games and their use of Olympic materials in other political and ideological discourses.
“…Nowadays, regarding the state of the arts in the development of the concept of "civil society", it is worth mentioning contemporary authors specializing in civil society studies in the Japanese sphere, such as Yamamoto 118 , Swartz and Pharr 119 , Nakano 120 , Pekkanen 121 , Takao 122 , Ogawa 123 , Gill, Steger and David 124 , Kingston 125 , Brannigan 126 , Slater, Kindstrand and Nishimura 127 or Wiemann 128 , among others. They add or eliminate new social actors depending on the context, and provide semantic changes in the definition of the concept.…”
In the context of post-industrial societies, there are few resources left to ordinary citizens to respond to the totalizing logic of systemic dynamics characterized by the expansion of economic and formal subjectivity. Likewise, the damage done to the environment and the increasing incidence of natural disasters, both driven by anthropogenic action, make a more complex response from society necessary and, in turn, pose the need to find collective answers to transnational issues. This global situation leads us to consider how civil society can generate community cohesion, leverage common interest and respond to environmental problems. After several ethnographic investigations focused on social change in Japan, we identified some things that, together with the shocking initial images spread globally after the catastrophe of March 11, 2011 in Tōhoku, have helped us take the pulse of the associative Japanese world. These images highlighted some of the fundamental characteristics of Japanese civil society, contributing to the spread throughout the world of a series of constructs that are as typical of a society socially exemplary as they are culturally totalizing. It might seem the eleven years that have elapsed since the Triple Disaster of March 2011 in Japan have provided us with a broad perspective from which to interpret the dynamics of Japanese civil society and public administration in the face of these events. However, we consider that the analysis of socio-historical developments that embody Euro-Atlantic modernity, with indigenous cultural constructs and with globalization, is essential. For this reason, in this article, from the perspective of intellectual history and historical sociology, we will analyse the adaptability of the concept of civil society in Japan and a whole series of social processes that have been gestating for decades and whose development is brought together in entities of great factual importance for the future.
Received: 31 May 2022Accepted: 25 July 2022
“…However, when crossing the age ranges (q0.5) with the universities (q0.1), in relative terms, there was a more advanced age profile in the sample of Japanese universities (Figure 1). Regarding the social context, Kingston [39] notes that Japan faces the challenge of a swiftly aging demographic.…”
Current higher education policies include several challenges, such as the academic internationalization of universities, mobility, and cultural plurality. Beyond the official curriculum, university educators have conceptions of citizenship and pluricultural competence. To understand the conceptions of educators on both topics in the Hispanic and Japanese contexts of higher education, this article presents a quantitative study involving a collaboration between a sample of education and social sciences teaching staff from universities in Spain and Japan. The CYASPS® (Citizenship and Plurilingual Social Actors in Higher Education) instrument and a categories system were designed for data collection and analysis with the support of SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) software. Using a comparative approach, this study investigated the teaching staffs’ conceptions about citizenship and pluricultural teaching–learning environments, which focused on their views regarding different kinds of citizenship, citizens’ participation, and sources for the development of pluricultural competences. Based on a descriptive and factorial analysis, there were significant correlations between citizenship and pluricultural competence, with relevant connections between key aspects of pluricultural competence, including awareness of the rights from the liberal citizenship model, civic commitment of the republican citizenship model, and several elements of cosmopolitan and radical citizenship.
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