Crime in Scotland 1660–1960: The Violent North?

Kilday, Anne‐Marie

doi:10.4324/9781315767352

Cited by 3 publications

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“…There were 15 Scottish trials for poison murder and attempted murder in the 1840s (15), mirroring the spike seen in England and Wales, but the annual average of less than 1 accused poisoner per year represents a tiny proportion of known murders in Victorian Scotland: 257 individuals were charged with murder in the period 1857 to 1863, although only 149 were actually tried; in 1880, there were 28 murder charges, and only 17 in 1886. Thereafter, the annual total of investigated murders and attempted murders stood at about 20 until 1960 (21), but poison was almost never used.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Poisoning Crimes and Forensic Toxicology Since the 18th Century

Watson¹

2020

Academic Forensic Pathology

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The easy availability of deadly poisons in 19th-century Britain, Western Europe, and the United States led to widespread public anxiety about the prevalence of murder by poison, resulting in what might be termed a “poison panic.” The fear was fed by well-publicized reports of trials and executions which, though not especially numerous, seemed indicative of the dangerous incidence of a unique type of homicide, one that was particularly difficult to prevent or detect. As a result, poisoning crimes stimulated the development of the earliest medicolegal specialism, forensic toxicology, and consequently the careers of some of the best known expert witnesses of the Victorian era, including Mathieu Orfila, Alfred Swaine Taylor, Thomas Stevenson, and Theodore Wormley. This article traces the history of poisoning crimes and the related medico-scientific discipline of forensic toxicology using textbooks, key trials, and crime statistics to examine and evaluate their contribution to the historical development of forensic expertise and practice.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Poisoning Crimes and Forensic Toxicology Since the 18th Century

Watson¹

2020

Academic Forensic Pathology

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“…Kilday showed for Scotland that there was no systematic difference in the penal treatment of women compared to men and thus that gendered leniency was "not so readily practised" in the north as it was in early modern Britain. 74 What has come out of the research on England, though, is that the examination of possible lenience towards women needs to be carried out with the Published in: Elise M. Dermineur, Åsa Karlsson Sjögren and Virginia Langum, Revisiting Gender in European History 1400-1800 (Routledge: New York/London, 2018).…”

Section: Crime or Prosecution?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Theorizing Crime and Gender in a Long-Term Perspective

Heijden¹

Revisiting Gender in European History, 1400–1800

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This article examined in what ways gender theory contributes to the study of crime in the early modern period (1500-1800). Crime historians have used gender concepts of social science studies in various ways. First, the concept of generalization of crime contributed to a much clearer understanding of the frequency and context of women's crime in the past. Secondly, the issue of the gender gap in crime and the study of the gender ratio offered relevant perspectives to historians. Finally, the notion of gendered institutions has been used by historians to explain prosecution patterns and the treatment of women by the courts. Conversely, historical research provides relevant insights to social scientists. Historians have shown that the gender gap in crime is not a static phenomenon; women's proportion in crime was considerably higher in the early modern period than in the modern area. Historical examinations also demonstrate the importance of the social and economic context in explaining variation and change in women's crime. The high proportion of female criminality before 1800 was due to women's socio-economic living conditions in towns. Finally, historical research demonstrates that there is no clear link between emancipation and women's high involvement in crime.

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Public order offences: how feasible is their applicability to online hate?

Gordon Benito

2024

Oñati Socio-Legal Series

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As an area of law in the UK, public order offences are almost entirely useless on social media. This set of offences (ss. 4, 4A and 5 of the Public Order Act 1986) was aimed to address any behaviour or expressive activities, either oral or written, carried out in a context of physical proximity to the victim. In principle, the foundational base of public order offences runs the risk of becoming blurred if we extend their applicability to hateful messages online and, therefore, to any impersonal way of acting. Consequently, only 13% and 14% of the hate crimes committed online in 2016/17 and 2017/18 in England & Wales involved public order offences. Therefore, there is a certain resistance based on the adequacy of these offences to the online environment without requiring the message to be audible or visible to someone, as a matter of immediacy/proximity. We will explain how this glimmer of hope has lasted over time amid fierce opposition to broaden the scope of application of public order offences beyond traditional public forums, such as disturbances triggering in a city's main square.

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Crime in Scotland 1660–1960: The Violent North?

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Poisoning Crimes and Forensic Toxicology Since the 18th Century

Poisoning Crimes and Forensic Toxicology Since the 18th Century

Theorizing Crime and Gender in a Long-Term Perspective

Public order offences: how feasible is their applicability to online hate?

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