“…39 In a context where the majority of Palestinians live in poverty, Hamas is able to derive popular support by providing welfare services, which account for almost all of its revenues. 40 Since the Hamas takeover of Gaza in 2007 the movement has not sought to replace governmental institutions inherited from the Palestinian Authority (PA) but rather has 'systematically secured a firm control over government institutions by replacing the officials at the management level in some ministries-or the entire staff in others-with Hamas affiliates'. Even in those sectors of the public administration where staff have remained-namely the health and education sectors-management-level posts are now held by Hamas loyalists.…”
Section: Consociation and The Case Of The Palestinian Territorymentioning
“…39 In a context where the majority of Palestinians live in poverty, Hamas is able to derive popular support by providing welfare services, which account for almost all of its revenues. 40 Since the Hamas takeover of Gaza in 2007 the movement has not sought to replace governmental institutions inherited from the Palestinian Authority (PA) but rather has 'systematically secured a firm control over government institutions by replacing the officials at the management level in some ministries-or the entire staff in others-with Hamas affiliates'. Even in those sectors of the public administration where staff have remained-namely the health and education sectors-management-level posts are now held by Hamas loyalists.…”
Section: Consociation and The Case Of The Palestinian Territorymentioning
“…With the assassinations of Yasin and his successor in the course of a few months in 2004, further moderation became at risk (Knudsen 2005(Knudsen : 1373. According to minister Mohammad Barghouti, the assassinations could have re-radicalized Hamas, as even moderate voices called for retaliation against Israel.…”
Section: External Shocksmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In 1994, responding to the Hebron massacre, Hamas carried out its first suicide operations (Knudsen 2005(Knudsen : 1381. Israeli security forces responded in kind, and in collaboration with the Palestinian National Authority a large number of suspected activists were arrested, assassinated or deported.…”
Section: Environmental Challengesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In the course of a few years it had grown to become one of the most powerful Palestinian movements, and by 1992 it had surpassed the Brotherhood as the leading Palestinian religious political movement. Hamas eventually inherited the Brotherhood's network of welfare institutions and supplemented military operations with social work (Gunning 2008: 39;Knudsen 2005Knudsen : 1382. 6 The diversification of operations and rapid expansion strained Hamas's bureaucratic capacity.…”
Hamas, the most influential Islamist party in the occupied Palestinian territories, replaced its strategy of electoral boycott in 1996 with participation in 2006 – a change that is not explained in the literature. Assisted by theories of party change, the article seeks to fill this gap. The article demonstrates that the move from boycott to participation can largely be attributed to a change of dominant coalition. In line with the theoretical assumptions, environmental challenges and shocks altered the power–balance within Hamas, robbing the coalition dominating at the time of the boycott of its power and allowing a new faction to obtain dominance. This new dominant faction saw political participation as a legitimate avenue to pursue Hamas's cause, and its rise to power secured the change of strategy and participation in the 2006 elections.
“…29 While Hamas's pivotal role in the intifada is one factor explaining the movement's popularity, it seems reasonable to assume that the increasing religiosity among Palestinians also played a part in its rise to prominence. Representing an Islamist alternative to the secular nationalists headed by Fatah, Hamas could easily exploit the increasing numbers of religious -and also politically disenfranchised -Palestinians as their constituency (Abu-Amr 1993; Gunning 2008, 39;Knudsen 2005Knudsen , 1382Knudsen -1384Robinson 1997, 149). Underlining Hamas's Islamist roots, the 1988 Charter proclaims its ultimate goal as being to raise "the banner of Allah on every inch of Palestine" 30 and establish an Islamic state throughout what are today Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories.…”
Section: Hamas -From Religious Absolutism To Strategic Pragmatismmentioning
Following the 2007 war between Fatah and Hamas, Palestinian politics appears to have followed the regional trend where the competition between secularism and Islamism is developing into a major political cleavage. Through comparisons of the two movements' ideologies, however, the article questions the relevance of this religious-secular cleavage to explaining Palestinian factional politics. Fatah -the traditional hegemon in Palestinian politics and previously staunchly secularist -has turned increasingly religious in response to the spread of Islamism. Hamas for its part has shed its overly religious rhetoric, absolutist territorial claims, and insistence on a violent solution to the Palestinian problem, in tandem with the deradicalization of the Palestinian population. In finding that both movements have moved toward the center of the political spectrum to maximize support, the article concludes that their rivalry is best understood as a competition for the median voter rather than as an indication of political polarization.
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