Counting for something! Recognising women's contribution to the global economy through alternative accounting systems

Waring, M. Barton

doi:10.1080/741954251

Cited by 37 publications

(31 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…A large part of women's work time is devoted to direct care work (child care and caring for old/sick) and indirect care (fetching water & firewood, cooking, cleaning, food processing) (Blackden and Canagarajah, 2003;Ilahi, 2000;Sikod, 2007). These tasks are not accounted in national accounts and thus, remain invisible in the economy (Beneria, 1992;Waring, 2003). Elson and Evers (1997) report that about 66% of women's work goes unrecorded in the national accounts.…”

Section: Time-use and Poverty In Rural Africamentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender Differences in Time-Poverty in Rural Mozambique

Arora

2015

Review of Social Economy

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in AbstractThe study examines the nature and extent of time poverty experienced by men and women in subsistence households in Mozambique. Gender roles, shaped by patriarchal norms, place heavy work obligations on women. Time-use data from a primary household survey in Mozambique is used for this analysis. The main findings suggest that women's labor allocation to economic activities is comparable to that of men. Household chores and care work are women's responsibility, which they perform with minimal assistance from men. The heavy burden of responsibilities leave women time poorer, compared to 50% of women, only 8% of men face time constraints. Women's time poverty worsens when the burden of simultaneous care work is taken into account. Not only women work longer hours, due to multi-tasking, the work tends to be more taxing. The examination of determinants of time poverty show that measures of bargaining power like assets and education do not necessarily affect time poverty faced by women. Preliminary draft AbstractThe study examines the nature and extent of time poverty experienced by men and women in subsistence households in Mozambique. Gender roles, shaped by patriarchal norms, place heavy work obligations on women. Time-use data from a primary household survey in Mozambique is used for this analysis. The main findings suggest that women's labor allocation to economic activities is comparable to that of men. Household chores and care work are women's responsibility, which they perform with minimal assistance from men. The heavy burden of responsibilities leave women time poorer, compared to 50% of women, only 8% of men face time constraints. Women's time poverty worsens when the burden of simultaneous care work is taken into account. Not only women work longer hours, due to multi-tasking, the work tends to be more taxing. The examination of determinants of time poverty show that measures of bargaining power like assets and education do not necessarily affect time poverty faced by women.

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Section: Time-use and Poverty In Rural Africamentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender Differences in Time-Poverty in Rural Mozambique

Arora

2015

Review of Social Economy

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“…Marilyn Waring argued in Counting for Nothing: What Men Value and What Women Are Worth , originally published in 1988, that the gendered labor done primarily by women is actually both unpaid and largely invisible to global means measuring economic productivity precisely because it is private. In a follow-up essay, Waring (2003) points out that, historically, work that is "consumed" inside the home is considered private household labor and thus is invisible to economic measures; only work "produced" to be consumed by others is measured by economic measures such as the United Nations System of National Accounts. Thus, paid caregiving done outside of private relations has economic value, whereas work done inside the home by unpaid caregivers who are generally family or friends is significantly devalued by society's primary economic and other social measurements.…”

Section: Division Of Labor Is Unjustmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This is part of a change in the sociocultural perception and valuation of any such thing as "women's work." We should no longer devalue unpaid work such as caregiving simply because it is unpaid, simply because it cannot easily be measured in economic terms (Folbre 2001;Waring 2003Waring , 2004, simply because it is done by women and, even when paid, receives a lower wage.…”

Section: Division Of Labor Is Unjustmentioning

confidence: 99%

Just Caring for Caregivers: What Society and the State Owe to Those Who Render Care

Reiheld

2015

fpq

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Traditional considerations of justice for those who require caregiving have centered on what is due to the dependent person. However, considerations of justice also bear strongly on what is due to the caregiver. I focus on unpaid dependency work, too long treated as a private matter rather than a public concern. More is owed to those who render care: the division of labor is unjust, the nature of dependency work creates vulnerabilities for caregivers, and unpaid caregivers are disadvantaged in the world of paid work. Obligations to mitigate these facts are ultimately based on the truth that all members of society at some point in their lives benefit from caregiving and that noncaregivers benefit unfairly from the heavy distribution of dependency work to a small number of certain kinds of individuals. It is necessary to ask which agents of justice are responsible for remedying this state of affairs, and how. I propose a distributed scheme of obligation in which members of society and the state, as arbiter of social responsibility, share responsibility for the remedy. It is incumbent upon us as a society to refrain from making vulnerable the most essential among us, to reap benefits without sowing unjust burdens.

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“…Estas definiciones son una base para evaluar las tasas de empleo y desempleo, entre otros indicadores de productividad de un país. Por el contrario, el trabajo no remunerado no es contabilizado como insumo productivo por la UNSNA (United Nations System of National Accounts) y, por lo general, no es medido (Hoskyns y Rai, 2007;Waring, 2008). Entonces, el trabajo que no es medido no es considerado como una contribución oficial a la economía.…”

Section: ¿Qué Es Trabajo? Las Tenues Fronteras Entre Trabajo Formal unclassified

El sentido del trabajo en mujeres privadas de libertad en Chile

Tomažič¹,

Undurraga²

2014

Cuestiones de género

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ResumenEste artículo vincula género, trabajo y cárcel para problematizar variadas formas de integración a la sociedad y al mercado laboral. Se analiza el caso de mujeres recluidas por micro-tráfico en el sistema penitenciario chileno. El estudio se basa en 30 entrevistas semi-estructuradas realizadas a reclusas del CPF Santiago durante el año 2013, explorando la trayectoria laboral y la definición de trabajo de mujeres privadas de libertad. Esta investigación visibiliza la situación de mujeres marginadas en múltiples dimensiones y muestra cómo las actividades ilegales y la posición social de estas mujeres cuestionan y reproducen el orden social. Se ilustra así la estandarización del trabajo moderno y modos atípicos de participación laboral, problematizando formas emergentes de integración en el capitalismo flexible. Palabras claves: cárcel, género, orden social, reclusas, trabajo. AbstractThis paper explores the relation between gender, work and incarceration by problematizing the various ways in which women seek to integrate into the labour market. We analyse the case of women prisoners in Chile who have been convicted of micro-trafficking. The methodology is based on 30 semi-structured interviews with women prisoners in Santiago in 2013. We explore their work trajectories and their definitions of work. The study visualizes the situation of marginalized women in multiple dimensions, showing how their illegal activities and their social position (re)produce and contest the social order. The study illustrates the standardization of modern work by highlighting atypical forms of labour participation, and problematizes ways in which women try to integrate themselves under flexible capitalism.

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Counting for something! Recognising women's contribution to the global economy through alternative accounting systems

Cited by 37 publications

References 5 publications

Gender Differences in Time-Poverty in Rural Mozambique

Gender Differences in Time-Poverty in Rural Mozambique

Just Caring for Caregivers: What Society and the State Owe to Those Who Render Care

El sentido del trabajo en mujeres privadas de libertad en Chile

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