Countering violent extremism, governmentality and Australian Muslim youth as ‘becoming terrorist’

Abdel-Fattah, Randa

doi:10.1177/1440783319842666

Cited by 22 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…That many of the same exemplars of 'Muslim student fundamentalism' were replicated across sources illustrated the way they had merged into a singular and seamless regime of truth. 220 However, the focus on such groups, appear somewhat anomalous for this period. although HT and its splinter group al-Muhajiroun (aM) were being claimed as a threat, this is a period in which HT had gone into retreat 221 and the emergence of al-Muhajiroun had notably little credibility or audibility on campuses.…”

Section: Instrumentalizing Fundamentalism; Institutionalizing Islamop...mentioning

confidence: 95%

Institutionalised Islamophobia Before Prevent

Nabi

2021

JCSI

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With little exception, across the breadth of literature addressing the implementation of the CTSA (Counter terrorism and Security Act 2015) in British universities, a distinct narrative predominates. Herein, the imposition of Counter-Terror state measures are articulated as interrupting the liberal egalitarianism of universities, sites characterized as free of racialized regulation. I argue that this body of critique unwittingly submerges the historically racialized character of universities and in particular, the sectors own production of the ‘transgressive fundamentalist Muslim student subject.’ Grounded in empirical research (2004–5) and historical/document analysis of the nineties, I address this lacuna by charting a series of junctures which illuminate how one aspect of Islamophobic discourse in the sector, centering on the figure of the ‘fundamentalist’ has previously been institutionalized and harnessed to Islamophobic effect. I elucidate how this aspect of Muslim student histories can be identified as a formative period that cohere with prevailing narratives of securitization and surveillance. Framed through a decolonial perspective, it is argued that dominant characterizations of state imposition in the sector does not represent a radical disjuncture from (pre-)existing discourses associated with ‘Muslim students.’ Rather, in troubling the neo-liberal university as a-priori racialised, it is argued that Prevent has (e)merged into an existing regime of racialised ‘post’-disciplinary power.

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Section: Instrumentalizing Fundamentalism; Institutionalizing Islamop...mentioning

confidence: 95%

Institutionalised Islamophobia Before Prevent

Nabi

2021

JCSI

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“…Synced closely with perpetual 'crisis narratives', notions of 'risk' and 'risky behaviours' are often depicted as powerful, pervasive and unpredictable-a silent, subversive enemy lurking in classrooms. Furthermore, some programmes within 'the contemporary cohesion agenda' in Australia have not necessarily been intended by their authors to respond specifically to violent extremism, seeking instead to foster wider capacities, such as a critical awareness of difference, tolerance and a sense of belonging (see Roose & Harris, 2015;Abdel-Fattah, 2019).…”

Section: Overview Of Cvementioning

confidence: 99%

Preventing violent extremism: Resourcing, stakeholder strategies and fostering belonging and connection in Australian schools

Stahl

Baak

Schulz

et al. 2021

British Educational Res J

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Countering violent extremism (CVE) continues to be a topic of national and international concern as well as media interest. In the field of CVE, educational institutions have an important role to play, but precisely how educators and policymakers should best respond to extremism within schools remains unclear. This article draws on interviews with multiple stakeholders implementing a small-scale nationally funded grant in Australian schools to guard against behaviours leading to violent extremism through developing restorative justice (RJ) practices. In foregrounding their accounts, we draw attention to the complexity of negotiating the CVE space by resisting dominant narratives that could be considered 'exaggerations' regarding both the manifestations of and motivations behind violent or extreme student behaviour. To conclude, we highlight how-in important ways-the money and resourcing allocated for CVE in local settings simply recycles what are already established to be best practices for fostering belonging and connection in schools, particularly in socio-economically disadvantaged communities.

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“…This concept has since been enthusiastically applied across disciplines, fields and case studies (for a recent application, see Abdel-Fattah, 2019), also with regard to secrecy and regimes of (post-) truth (Krasmann, 2018). The explicit link with war has been made more recently by Demmers et al (2020), who used the ‘regime of truth’ to interrogate OIR.…”

Section: Debates: Remote Warfare and Regimes Of Truthmentioning

confidence: 99%

Strategic ignorance and the legitimation of remote warfare: The Hawija bombardments

Gould

Stel

2021

Security Dialogue

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How must we understand and conceptualize the rationales and repercussions of remote warfare? This article contributes to scholarship on the ontology of remote war by analysing how Dutch officials engage with responsibility for the bombardment of an Islamic State weapons factory in Hawija, Iraq in 2015 under Operation Inherent Resolve. It observes that the main feature of Dutch officials’ accounts of Hawija is their diverse claims to not knowing about civilian casualties. Official narratives shifted from denial to secrecy to strategic ignorance. Bridging work on secrecy from the field of critical security studies with work on strategic ‘unknowing’ from ignorance studies, we propose a new take on the Foucauldian notion of ‘regimes of truth’. The regimes of truth that emerge to justify shifts to remote warfare – that it is riskless, precise and caring for civilian others – rely not merely on secrecy and denial but on feigned and imposed ignorance about casualties. Whereas denial can be disproven and secrecy has an expiration date, ignorance is more elusive and open-ended and hence politically convenient in different ways. Deliberate unknowing does not just postpone investigation and accountability but fundamentally and indefinitely obstructs it and thus sustains the regimes of truth for future remote wars.

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Countering violent extremism, governmentality and Australian Muslim youth as ‘becoming terrorist’

Cited by 22 publications

References 15 publications

Institutionalised Islamophobia Before Prevent

Institutionalised Islamophobia Before Prevent

Preventing violent extremism: Resourcing, stakeholder strategies and fostering belonging and connection in Australian schools

Strategic ignorance and the legitimation of remote warfare: The Hawija bombardments

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