2014
DOI: 10.1111/aman.12076
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Coping with the Refugee Wait: The Role of Consumption, Normalcy, and Dignity in Refugee Lives at Kakuma Refugee Camp, Kenya

Abstract: The relief discourse has long treated refugee camp economies and the resulting black markets and commercial consumption as detrimental for the relief process and the refugees. The consumption of "luxuries and comforts" is regarded as costly, trivial, unreasonable, and nonessential. However, despite the negative effects and the high costs of consumption, refugees make strenuous efforts to participate in these commercial economies. I analyze refugee commercial consumption at Kakuma Refugee Camp, Kenya, to argue … Show more

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Cited by 57 publications
(53 citation statements)
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“…Much of the work of this past year examined the practices that make possible a sense of shared qualities across collective subjects. From issues of citizenship contorted by contestations around ethnicity, immigration, and displacement (Byrd 2014;Oka 2014;Shneiderman 2014;Thiranagama 2014) and revised understandings of relatedness across borders, through ancestral homes, and via fictive kin terms (Bovensiepen 2014;Cole 2014a;Nakassis 2014) to renegotiations of race and indigenous recognition within settler colonial contexts (Ives 2014a; Jacobsen-Bia 2014; Merlan 2014;Sturm 2014;Wroblewski 2014) and science as authority in ethnic belonging (Tamarkin 2014), as well as practice through which reflexive identity might be assembled (Droney 2014), articles this past year show the myriad ways a sense of communal immediacy might be built, be contested, or fail. Here too of note is a Current Anthropology special issue on Christianity, showcasing a variety of situations in which Christianity becomes the idiom through which immediacy across groups is expressed and contested (Robbins 2014).…”
Section: Immediacymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Much of the work of this past year examined the practices that make possible a sense of shared qualities across collective subjects. From issues of citizenship contorted by contestations around ethnicity, immigration, and displacement (Byrd 2014;Oka 2014;Shneiderman 2014;Thiranagama 2014) and revised understandings of relatedness across borders, through ancestral homes, and via fictive kin terms (Bovensiepen 2014;Cole 2014a;Nakassis 2014) to renegotiations of race and indigenous recognition within settler colonial contexts (Ives 2014a; Jacobsen-Bia 2014; Merlan 2014;Sturm 2014;Wroblewski 2014) and science as authority in ethnic belonging (Tamarkin 2014), as well as practice through which reflexive identity might be assembled (Droney 2014), articles this past year show the myriad ways a sense of communal immediacy might be built, be contested, or fail. Here too of note is a Current Anthropology special issue on Christianity, showcasing a variety of situations in which Christianity becomes the idiom through which immediacy across groups is expressed and contested (Robbins 2014).…”
Section: Immediacymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…That is, what can be made of Odile and Alice's intimacy as distinct from their hostility the week earlier? Anthropologists have recently pointed to how the waiting produced by bureaucracies creates new possibilities for social and political action (Harms , 347–57; Kwon ; Oka ). For example, Mathur () argues that “waiting” for state services did not render residents in the Indian Himalaya powerless or voiceless, but rather those residents “became the state's strongest and most articulate critics” (150).…”
Section: Ethnographic Encounters With Enforced Waitingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For some during the gacaca process, waiting emphasized the future, involving a “de‐realisation of the present” in which “the only meaning lies in the future” (Crapanzano ,44); anticipatory, as Das (, 79–107) described about India; or full of promise as Hetherington (, 195) described about Paraguay. For others, waiting was more negative, characterized by “uncertainty, ambiguity and contradiction,” as Harms (, 346) described about Vietnam; “boredom” as O'Neill () described about Romania; or a “long, hard slog,” as Abramowitz (, 186)) described about Liberia (see also Oka ). Anxiety generated by waiting in Rwanda could coexist, as Mathur () described about India, with “anger, fear, dark humour, along with politicized commentaries on the ‘value of life’ and the structural inequities” (150).…”
Section: Ethnographic Encounters With Enforced Waitingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Such phenomena have also been observed within contemporary communities of refugees displaced by disasters (Agier, 2011;Jacobsen, 2005). Most refugees make strenuous efforts to consume surplus through the informal economy despite high costs, attritional indebtedness, and accusations of greed and excess by relief and development workers (Oka, 2011(Oka, , 2014Werker, 2007). Aid workers experienced in refugee issues know that the refugees' consumption of surplus is a primary factor in ensuring their survival until repatriation or resettlement (Jacobsen, 2005;Lischer, 2005).…”
Section: Tying Greed and Excess To Surplusmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The third section, Who Shares the Surplus, "Greedy" subsistence producers in transitioning economies, addresses the issues and accusations of greed and excess faced by small-scale societies as they deal with global markets and consumer demands. The epithet of "The Undeserving Poor" is usually leveled at groups considered unproductive within mainstream contemporary social economies (Oka, 2014). Thus, small-scale subsistence farmers, pastoralists, fishermen, and artisans have frequently been accused of greed and excessive desire when they claim some of the surplus that they have produced or from which they have been structurally excluded.…”
Section: Tying Greed and Excess To Surplusmentioning
confidence: 99%