Conversion and Narrative

Szpiech, Ryan

doi:10.9783/9780812207613

Cited by 53 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…We used BCFtools v1.18 (Danecek et al 2021) to remove sites with 2 or fewer minor allele counts in the 18 dingo samples, which resulted in 887,759 biallelic loci. We then used ASD v1.1.0a (Szpiech 2014) with the flag --ibs to compute the proportion of sites at which a pair of individuals shared 0, 1, and 2 alleles Identical-By-State (IBS) for each pair of dingoes.…”

Section: Relatedness and Population Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

“…To assess population structure among canids we computed pairwise allele sharing dissimilarities (Szpiech 2014) for all 41 canids included in this study and decomposed the dissimilarity matrix with multidimensional scaling (MDS). For MDS analysis using only the 18 dingo samples, we subsetted the allele sharing dissimilarities from the 41 canids and recomputed the MDS.…”

Section: Relatedness and Population Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

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Genomic consequences of isolation and inbreeding in an island dingo population

Leon-Apodaca,

Kumar,

del Castillo

et al. 2023

Preprint

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Dingoes come from an ancient canid lineage that originated in East Asia around 8000-11,000 years BP. As Australia's largest terrestrial predator, dingoes play an important ecological role. A small population exists on a world heritage listed offshore island, K'gari (formerly Fraser Island). While dingoes on K'gari are protected, dingoes on the mainland are only protected in certain regions, and, because of its controversial status in Australia, lethal control is commonly used for management. Concern regarding the persistence of dingoes on K'gari has risen due to their low genetic diversity and elevated inbreeding levels. However, whole-genome sequencing data is lacking from this population. Here, we include five new whole-genome sequences of K'gari dingoes. We analyze a total of 18 whole genome sequences of dingoes sampled from mainland Australia and K'gari to assess the genomic consequences of their demographic histories. Long (>1 Mb) runs of homozygosity (ROH) --- indicators of inbreeding --- are elevated in all sampled dingoes. However, K'gari dingoes showed significantly higher levels of very long ROH (>5 Mb), providing genomic evidence for small population size, isolation, inbreeding, and a strong founder effect. Our results suggest that, despite current levels of inbreeding, the K'gari population is purging strongly deleterious mutations, which, in the absence of further reductions in population size, may facilitate the persistence of small populations despite low genetic diversity and isolation. However, there is little to no purging of mildly deleterious alleles, which may have important long-term consequences, and should be considered by conservation and management programs.

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Section: Relatedness and Population Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Relatedness and Population Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

Genomic consequences of isolation and inbreeding in an island dingo population

Leon-Apodaca,

Kumar,

del Castillo

et al. 2023

Preprint

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“…16 More recently, it has even been argued that conversion narratives are not 'retrospective' so much as 'prospective': the text precedes and makes the experience of conversion, not the experience of conversion the text. 17 The literary form of the conversion narrative therefore deserves close attention: rather than coming second to the experience of conversion, it is through narrative that conversion takes place.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…21 Religious identity, like any other form of identity, requires the construction of continuity and sameness over time and space: Szpiech describes the convert as a 'chronotope', who 'embodies and reflects the entirety of salvation time, the before-and-after of figural Christian thought'. 22 In Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World, Lieu speaks of 'the focality of belonging to and being able to tell a story' and 'the powerful and empowering function, within the continuing tradition, of remembering a common faith narrative'. 23 This is particularly the case for Judaism and Christianity, which are very much 'religions of remembrance'; Szpiech speaks of conversion as 'distinctively Christian' because it reflects so closely 'Christian notions of revelation, salvation and time'.…”

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confidence: 99%

Conversion Narrative and Christian Identity: 'How Christianity Came to Iceland'

Grønlie¹

2017

Medium Ævum

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Conversion, in the Middle Ages as today, has a range of different meanings: as Muldoon has commented, it encompasses a 'spectrum' of experiences, not one. 1 In the Hebrew and Greek Scriptures, the root meaning of the verbs used is 'to turn', 'to return', 'to repent'; in his Confessions, Augustine uses a range of word-forms with the root 'vert' ('to turn') in describing his own conversion (e.g. 'convert', 'avert', 'pervert', 'adverse', 'universe'). 2 In a classic study of conversion in late Antiquity, Nock defined it as 'the re-orientation of the soul of an individual, his deliberate turning from indifference or from an earlier form of piety to another, a turning that implies a consciousness that the old was wrong and the new was right'. 3 This is frequently quoted in works on conversion in the Middle Ages, with certain qualifications. Many historians have pointed out that this individualizing definition of conversion can hardly apply to the description of the large-scale conversion of whole peoples, for whom Christianity is just as likely to have been a pragmatic choice as a theological one. 4 Some scholars prefer to use different terms for the conversion of peoples ('acculturation' or 'Christianization'), but it is not necessarily useful or accurate to reserve the term 'conversion' only for individuals: the biblical call to repent is, after all, addressed to the community as a whole. 5 The other qualification is that, while Nock assumes that conversion represents a single turning point, most would now conceive of it as a process: Morrison has shown that, in twelfth-century monastic writing, conversion is predominantly understood as a way of life, a process of 'empathetic transformation' that begins with entry into the monastic life and ends only with death. 6 Although one might argue that his definition applies only to an intellectual élite, the idea of conversion as a process has the support of contemporary psychologists like Rambo, who would divide it into stages such as 'crisis', 'quest', 'encounter', 'interaction' and so on. 7 Conversion, then, can be individual or communal, personal transformation or institutional affiliation; it can be depicted as a single moment of crisis or as a lifelong process of change.Just as difficult to pin down is the relationship between the experience of conversion and its representation in narrative, which is often dismissed as derivative and therefore suspect in historical terms. 8 It is common for those writing on conversion to distinguish between the experience of conversion, which is 'beyond thought and words' and the narrative of conversion, which is retrospective and rationalized. Morrison points out that the Latin conversio is a metaphor from manufacturing processes in the arts and crafts (the 'transformation of one substance into another'), and thus that there is always an artistic, even perhaps a consciously fictional element to conversion narratives: it is only through the poetic imagination that the ineffable ('the reorientation of the soul') can be expressed. 9 Con...

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The Cambridge History of Judaism

2018

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Conversion and Narrative

Cited by 53 publications

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Genomic consequences of isolation and inbreeding in an island dingo population

Genomic consequences of isolation and inbreeding in an island dingo population

Conversion Narrative and Christian Identity: 'How Christianity Came to Iceland'

The Cambridge History of Judaism

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