“…In explaining the facts in (15), two representative theories suggest themselves: (a) the control theory in which the depictive predicate has a base‐generated PRO that serves as the subject of the depictive predicate and it simultaneously refers to an argument in the main clause (e.g., the object) as schematized in (18.a) (see Landau and subsequent work) and (b) the A‐movement theory in which the subject of the depictive predicate raises into a designated A‐position in the main clause (e.g. the object ‘the appealer’) out of the adjunct structure of the depictive small clause by means of sideward movement (see Nunes , , ; Hornstein , , ; Boeckx & Hornstein , , ; Haddad ) as in (18.b).…”
Section: A‐movement Vs Pro Controlmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A fruitful line of research has recently attempted to find a theoretical solution for the non‐cyclic cases of movement such as parasitic gaps, across‐the‐board extraction constructions and adjunct control (Nunes ; Boeckx & Hornstein , , ; Haddad ). On this approach, the notion “Move”, previously treated as a primitive computational operation, has been revised and decomposed into four distinct operations: Copy, Merge, Form chain and Reduce Chain.…”
Section: Formal Analysismentioning
confidence: 99%
“… See Haddad (:129) for an argument against the accessibility‐into‐Spelled‐out domains in chain reduction. …”
In this paper, I present an argument based on empirical data from depictive secondary predication in Standard Arabic (SA) for the assumption that the light v is merged with discourse features that V inherits at some point of derivation (Miyagawa 2010; Jimenez Fernandez & Spyropoulos 2013). The depictive structure in SA exhibits different word order permutations that correspond to the discourse properties of the structure. As such, SA manifests itself as a discourse‐agreement language with discourse and phi‐agreement features on the phase head (e.g., C or v) being transferred into relevant heads of phase complements (e.g., T or V). Such an environment triggers the different rearrangements of the depictive phrase within the vP under Last Resort. To enable movement out of the non‐subcategorized structure of the adjunct small clause, I employ a sideward movement strategy (Nunes 1995, 2001, 2004) to derive the pattern in question.1
“…In explaining the facts in (15), two representative theories suggest themselves: (a) the control theory in which the depictive predicate has a base‐generated PRO that serves as the subject of the depictive predicate and it simultaneously refers to an argument in the main clause (e.g., the object) as schematized in (18.a) (see Landau and subsequent work) and (b) the A‐movement theory in which the subject of the depictive predicate raises into a designated A‐position in the main clause (e.g. the object ‘the appealer’) out of the adjunct structure of the depictive small clause by means of sideward movement (see Nunes , , ; Hornstein , , ; Boeckx & Hornstein , , ; Haddad ) as in (18.b).…”
Section: A‐movement Vs Pro Controlmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A fruitful line of research has recently attempted to find a theoretical solution for the non‐cyclic cases of movement such as parasitic gaps, across‐the‐board extraction constructions and adjunct control (Nunes ; Boeckx & Hornstein , , ; Haddad ). On this approach, the notion “Move”, previously treated as a primitive computational operation, has been revised and decomposed into four distinct operations: Copy, Merge, Form chain and Reduce Chain.…”
Section: Formal Analysismentioning
confidence: 99%
“… See Haddad (:129) for an argument against the accessibility‐into‐Spelled‐out domains in chain reduction. …”
In this paper, I present an argument based on empirical data from depictive secondary predication in Standard Arabic (SA) for the assumption that the light v is merged with discourse features that V inherits at some point of derivation (Miyagawa 2010; Jimenez Fernandez & Spyropoulos 2013). The depictive structure in SA exhibits different word order permutations that correspond to the discourse properties of the structure. As such, SA manifests itself as a discourse‐agreement language with discourse and phi‐agreement features on the phase head (e.g., C or v) being transferred into relevant heads of phase complements (e.g., T or V). Such an environment triggers the different rearrangements of the depictive phrase within the vP under Last Resort. To enable movement out of the non‐subcategorized structure of the adjunct small clause, I employ a sideward movement strategy (Nunes 1995, 2001, 2004) to derive the pattern in question.1
“…Of course, it could be argued that la poss adcs are instances of copy control that involve multiple case checking and multiple copy pronunciation (see Haddad 2011). Under such an analysis, the possessor would have to raise for reasons other than case.…”
Possessive dative constructions-a subcategory of external possession constructions, similar but not identical to the English sentence She looked him in the eye-are a crosslinguistic phenomenon. These structures feature a nominal or pronominal elementin this case, him-that functions semantically as the possessor of a separate dp-eyeand syntactically as a dependent of the verb. Syntactic approaches to possessive dative constructions in such languages as Hebrew and German argue for a movement analysis in which the possessor starts out in the possessum dp before moving to a higher position. Semantic approaches to the same phenomenon in German and French, among other languages, analyze possessive dative constructions as instances of anaphoric binding; the dative undergoes first-merge outside the possessum dp and binds a variable in it. The present article documents and analyzes what appear to be instances of possessive dative constructions in Lebanese Arabic. I show that the possessive construal of the datives in these structures is not syntactically or semantically mediated, but rather pragmatically determined.
“…The antecedent moves to a higher position, while the RP is stranded, (2). That is, derivationally, (1) Elsewhere I show that resumption in Telugu and Assamese, two South Asian languages, is movement minus stranding (Haddad 2010(Haddad , 2011) -or movement plus pied-piping. This paper presents further evidence from parasitic gap (PG) constructions in LA to show that resumption as movement involves pied-piping.…”
Resumption is a relation of coreferentiality between a pronominal element (a weak pronoun, a strong pronoun, or an epithet) and an antecedent in a given structure. The pronominal element occupies a position that would normally be vacant, as the contrast between the Lebanese Arabic (LA) sentence in (1) and its English translation illustrates:(1) l-riʒʒeel jallii seeʕadt-o faʔiir ktiir the-man that helped.2s-him poor very 'The man that you helped ____ is very poor.' Aoun, Choueiri and Hornstein (2001) analyze certain instances of resumption in LA as movement plus stranding. A resumptive pronominal (RP) undergoes first merge with an antecedent. The antecedent moves to a higher position, while the RP is stranded, (2). That is, derivationally, (1) Elsewhere I show that resumption in Telugu and Assamese, two South Asian languages, is movement minus stranding (Haddad 2010, 2011) -or movement plus pied-piping. This paper presents further evidence from parasitic gap (PG) constructions in LA to show that resumption as movement involves pied-piping. That is, when the antecedent moves, the RP moves along with it, (4). Decisions regarding the pronunciation or deletion of copies take place at PF.English licenses parasitic gap (PG) constructions like (5) in which an empty site in the adjunct and another in the matrix clause resume an antecedent -the same antecedent -in the matrix clause. The empty site in the adjunct is referred to as a PG because its licensing depends on the existence of a real gap. This real gap crucially does not c-command the PG.(5) This is the student i that they expelled _____ i without interviewing _____ i Ouhalla (2001) presents similar structures from Moroccan Arabic (MA), (6). The difference between the English PG-construction and its MA counterpart is that the latter contains a RP in the site of the PG.
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