Contrastive (Predicate) Topic, Intonation, and Scalar Meanings

Lee, Chungmin

doi:10.1007/978-1-4020-4796-1_9

Cited by 29 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…This is despite a very rich tradition of research on prosodic differences between case-marked NPs and NPs marked by the topic marker in Japanese and Korean (e.g., Finn 1984;Venditti 2000;Nakanishi 2001;Kim 2004;Lee 2007a). 2 While it is an interesting topic for future research whether arguments with and without case markers have different prosodic profiles, such a broad investigation far exceeds the scope of the present study.…”

Section: Effects Of Focus Type Animacy and Definiteness On Case Ellmentioning

confidence: 75%

“…For instance, the referent of selecting focus exemplified in (17) (repeated from (15)) is explicitly mentioned and assumed by the previous speaker as a possible value of an open proposition generated by a disjunctive question. Moreover, unlike replacing focus exemplified in (18), selecting focus does not involve any explicit contradiction of some other previously stated alternative and satisfies the previous speaker's expectation or presupposition that his or her question will be answered with one disjunct (Lee 2007a), thus leading to more predictable continuation of the discourse. Replacing focus and informational focus differ from selecting focus in that in neither case is the focused argument previously mentioned or assumed as a possible value of a presupposed open proposition.…”

Section: Iconicity Vs Economy In Explaining Patterns Of Case Ellipsismentioning

confidence: 89%

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Explaining variation in Korean case ellipsis: Economy versus iconicity

Lee

2010

J East Asian Linguist

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The naturalness with which case ellipsis occurs in certain environments in Korean has been attributed to the information status and markedness of arguments. In recent accounts of case ellipsis in colloquial Korean proposed by Lee (Lang Res 42:323-355, 2006a; J Pragmat 39:1465 J Pragmat 39: -1481 J Pragmat 39: , 2007 and Kim (PhD dissertation, 2008), the effects of these factors on case ellipsis have been subsumed under iconicity of complexity. In this paper we argue that iconicity plays no role in stating and explaining patterns of variation in case ellipsis and propose an alternative usage-based explanation in terms of economy. This proposal subsumes and clarifies previous findings about the influence of the factors of contrastiveness, animacy, and definiteness and connects these findings to asymmetries in frequency and predictability. In addition, the economy account leads to a number of other predictions that the iconicity account does not make, including differences in the direction of the effects of contrastiveness and animacy/definiteness and differences between subject and object marking. Using evidence from two rating experiments, this paper also demonstrates that preference for case ellipsis on three subtypes of focused objects (selecting, replacing, and informational focus) increases relative to the degree of predictability whereas average ratings between sentences with these subtypes of focus subjects do not show a statistically significant difference. This finding is not consistent with the prediction of the iconicity-of-the-complexity principle and cannot be accounted for in terms of the dichotomous distinction between contrastive vs. non-contrastive focus. This paper is the first demonstration that the gradient pattern of case ellipsis shown by subtypes of focus can be explained in terms of asymmetries in frequency and predictability, i.e., the economy principle, and suggests that it may be possible to explain the effects of information Ó Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010 structural factors and animacy/definiteness on the ellipsis of case markers for both focused and non-focus arguments entirely through the economy principle.

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Section: Effects Of Focus Type Animacy and Definiteness On Case Ellmentioning

confidence: 75%

Section: Iconicity Vs Economy In Explaining Patterns Of Case Ellipsismentioning

confidence: 89%

Explaining variation in Korean case ellipsis: Economy versus iconicity

Lee

2010

J East Asian Linguist

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“…The referent of the selecting focus is often explicitly mentioned as a possible value of an open proposition generated by a disjunctive question uttered by the previous speaker, whereas replacing focus and informational focus do not have to take up a previously mentioned referent. Moreover, unlike replacing focus, selecting focus does not involve any explicit contradiction of some other previously stated alternative and satisfies the previous speaker's expectation or presupposition that his or her question will be answered with one disjunct (C. Lee, 2007a), thus leading to more predictable continuation of the discourse. This unity in turn may result in higher activation for the representation of the referent of the selecting focus.…”

Section: Explicit Contradiction Of Alternativesmentioning

confidence: 90%

“…But our experiment tested just one subtype of contrastive focus referred to as 'replacing focus'. This type of contrastive focus explicitly contradicts a stated alternative and is considered the clearest instance of contrastiveness in some pragmatic approaches to contrastiveness (Lambrecht, 1994;C. Lee, 2007a):…”

Section: [ T D $ I N L I N E ]mentioning

confidence: 98%

Gradients in Korean case ellipsis: An experimental investigation

Lee

2011

Lingua

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“…Korean (Lee 2007: 152 via Kim: 2015 a. Kumsokhwalca-nun hankwukin-i palmyeng hay-ss-ta. metal.type-nun Korean-nom invention do-pst-dec 'As for metallic type, Koreans invented it.'…”

Section: Korean -Nun Imposes Saliencementioning

confidence: 99%

V1 in Kipsigis: Head movement and discourse-based scrambling

Bossi

Diercks

2019

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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Kipsigis (Nilo-Saharan, Kenya) is a verb-initial language that exhibits a VSO/VOS alternation, in which the felicity of postverbal word orders is dependent on information structure. Specifically, the lexical item occupying the immediately postverbal position is discourse-prominent. We propose that V1 in Kipsigis results from head movement of the verb to a functional projection between TP and CP and that discourse-prominent material raises to Spec,TP. Movement to the immediately postverbal prominence position is a joint EPP/prominence effect (motivated by [D] and [uδ] features, respectively). We demonstrate that this prominence movement cannot be reduced to familiar notions like topic and focus, arguing that prominent phrases are highlighted or salient.

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Contrastive (Predicate) Topic, Intonation, and Scalar Meanings

Cited by 29 publications

References 14 publications

Explaining variation in Korean case ellipsis: Economy versus iconicity

Explaining variation in Korean case ellipsis: Economy versus iconicity

Gradients in Korean case ellipsis: An experimental investigation

V1 in Kipsigis: Head movement and discourse-based scrambling

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