Continuities in Delinquency and Riot Patterns in Black Residential Areas

Kapsis, Robert E.

doi:10.2307/800479

Cited by 10 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 15 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Clearly, questionnaire differences also play into the conflicting findings pertaining to organization participation. For instance, organization participation is measured as contact with a settlement house by Kapsis (1976) and as attendance at the meetings of committees and clubs by Sampson and Groves (1989). In those examples, both measures were associated with less crime and thus consistent with the systemic model.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 84%

“…Hackler et. al 1974 Willingness to intervene in hypothetical disturbance Kapsis 1976Kapsis , 1978 Contact with settlement house, know neighbors by name, and friends in the neighborhood. Greenberg et.…”

Section: Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Several studies find a direct relationship between network indicators and crime and are typically interpreted as providing a firm basis of support for the model even though informal control is not measured. The network indicators most consistently associated with lower crime reflect the size of local family and friendship networks (Kapsis 1976(Kapsis , 1978Sampson and Groves 1989;Simcha-Fagan and Schwartz 1986), organizational participation (Kapsis 1976(Kapsis , 1978Sampson and Groves 1989;Simcha-Fagan and Schwartz 1986;Taylor, Gottfredson, and Brower 1984), and frequency of interaction among neighbors (Bellair 1997).…”

Section: Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Contemporary Disorganization Research: An Assessment and Further Test of the Systemic Model of Neighborhood Crime

Bellair

Browning

2010

Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The systemic model posits that informal control reduces crime and that social networks reduce crime indirectly by stimulating informal control. The systemic literature consistently supports the informal control-crime relationship but reveals wider variation in the measurement and effects of network dimensions. Recognizing this pattern, some scholars advocate an explicit distinction between networks and informal control. We formally address that issue with analysis of the measurement structure of multiple network and informal control indicators using data collected in 300 Seattle neighborhoods. Results reveal several distinct network dimensions that are themselves distinct from informal control. Regression analysis supports the systemic model: informal control reduces crime victimization, and networks exhibit an indirect, negative effect through informal control. Consistent with prior research, some network measures have a positive, direct effect on crime. We conclude that a distinction between networks and informal control is essential when testing and evaluating the systemic model.

show abstract

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 84%

Section: Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Contemporary Disorganization Research: An Assessment and Further Test of the Systemic Model of Neighborhood Crime

Bellair

Browning

2010

Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Conversely, rioting was highest in neighborhoods with minimal identification, interaction, memberships, and/or political participation. Kapsis (1976) reported a similar relationship between racial stability and social integration of neighborhoods and the speed with which vandalism and other riot behaviors ended during the 1968 riots in Richmond (Oakland), California.…”

Section: Temporal and Spatial Variationmentioning

confidence: 80%

Individual and Collective Behaviors Within Gatherings, Demonstrations, and Riots

1983

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The life cycles of gatherings, demonstrations, and riots begin with an assembling phase and end with a dispersal phase. The three types of events are primarily distinguished by the form and content of individual and collective behaviors that occur in the interim phase when a number of people are in the same locale at the same time. We review the past 15 years' research on behaviors in this phase. We first consider some elementary forms of collective behavior that frequently occur in all gatherings, demonstrations, and riots. We next examine more complex dimensions and forms of behavior within political, religious, and sport demonstrations. We then review research on the individual and aggregate violence against person, property, and property rights that distinguishes riots. Finally, we note some recurring patterns in the research on all three types of events, and we identify problems warranting further investigation.

show abstract

“…The empowerment of African Americans through improved economic conditions, along with intensified White hostility, discrimination, and unresponsive government, may have created an explosive situation. Kapsis (1976), in studying 1968 "riot zones" in California, found that in two racially changing neighborhoods with higher pre-riot delinquency rates the incidence of violence during the riots was greater. In a racially stable neighborhood, where the incidence of pre-riot delinquency was low, riots were shorter and their level of violence lower.…”

Section: The Characteristics Of Riot Citiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Mob violence: Cultural-societal sources, instigators, group processes, and participants.

Staub¹,

Rosenthal²

1994

Reason to Hope: A Psychosocial Perspective on Violence &Amp; Youth.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The 1992 Los Angeles riots, which were instigated by mob violence by the police and consisted of mob violence by citizens, have once again drawn attention to this complex phenomenon. In this chapter, we examine the instigating events, background conditions, and social and psychological processes that generate mob violence, as well as the characteristics of individuals who participate in it, with a particular focus on youth. Examples from the urban riots of the 1960s in the United States will be emphasized somewhat, partly because of the relative wealth of information about them and partly because we know that the majority of the participants in them were young people. However, we also consider other examples of mob violence, including the 1992 L.A. riots, soccer violence, prison riots, revolutionary mob violence, lynchings, and "wildings," most of which involve a substantial number of youth. Of special concern, despite limited information, are the reasons for the apparently high frequency of participation by youth in mob violence and the impact of mob violence on both participating and nonparticipating youth. Recommendations for research and for policies aimed at reducing mob violence are also made.

show abstract

Continuities in Delinquency and Riot Patterns in Black Residential Areas

Cited by 10 publications

References 15 publications

Contemporary Disorganization Research: An Assessment and Further Test of the Systemic Model of Neighborhood Crime

Contemporary Disorganization Research: An Assessment and Further Test of the Systemic Model of Neighborhood Crime

Individual and Collective Behaviors Within Gatherings, Demonstrations, and Riots

Mob violence: Cultural-societal sources, instigators, group processes, and participants.

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About