Contesting sub-state integration policies: migrant new speakers as stakeholders in language regimes

Abstract

This paper aims to illuminate the role of sub-state languages in the integration process of migrants in two sub-state regions: Wales in the UK and the Basque Autonomous Community in Spain. We investigate how language and the idea of 'belongingess' based on language learning and knowledge are constructed in the integration policies in these two officially bilingual regions. We analyse policy documents on the topic of integration of migrants in the respective state and sub-state regions, as well as exploring how the role of language is in turn understood, accepted or contested by migrants. Using ethnographically oriented methods of enquiry such as observations of linguistic practices as well as semi-structured interviews with migrant learners of Welsh and Basque, this analysis seeks to contribute to the growing field of LPP as a multifaceted area of study, and in this case, position migrants as agents in policy-making processes. We find that despite distinctive and ambiguous roles ascribed to the respective official languages of each region, migrant new speakers ascribe certain values and roles to each language, which are not necessarily acknowledged or envisaged as such in integration policies. We propose that taking the voice of migrant new speakers learners into account would improve language and integration policymaking in these two sub-state regions and help to redefine the role of language resources in national 'belongingess' according to the needs of the stakeholders involved.

Majority nation‐building through language requirements: Minority perspectives from EU27

“…Following Barker, ‘the substate nation's claims to particular cultural or linguistic accommodation from the central state may be weakened if the linguistic balance shifts substantially in favour of speakers of another (majority) state language’ (Barker, 2015, p. 25). Recruiting immigrants to learn substate languages may indeed have the function of preserving and revitalizing vulnerable languages (Augustyniak & Higham, 2019, p. 523). As Patten (2016, p. 196) has noted, in such contexts the goals of nation‐building and minority language preservation do not conflict but rather support each other.…”

“…75–76). Research on immigrant integration carried out on substates, such as Quebec (Barker, 2015; Kymlicka, 2001; Taylor, 1994), the Basque Country (Jeram & Adam, 2015), Wales (Augustyniak & Higham, 2019), Catalonia (Hepburn & Zapata‐Barrero, 2014), Scotland (de Casanova, 2014), Galicia (Bermingham & Higham, 2018), and South Tyrol (Carlà, 2018; Strazzari, 2016), shows how such territories operate to some extent like nation‐states in relation to immigration and thereby make nation‐state‐like requirements on immigrants, albeit not nationally but regionally.…”

“…Knowledge of the nationally dominant Italian language must nevertheless be demonstrated in order to qualify for national citizenship. Indeed, while many substates exercise control over local language policies on regional level, such as schooling and public services, they do not have full control over citizenship and migration policies (for Wales, see Augustyniak & Higham, 2019, p. 521) that instead fall under the power of the central state. Despite their lack of influence over national level citizenship policy, research shows how substates actively shape local linguistic integration policies.…”