In one of earliest empirical studies of lobbying in Canada, Robert Presthus remarked with surprise that some MPs believed that "'lobbying' just did not exist in Canada" (1971: 445). Now, more than fifty years since Presthus' study, not even the most passive onlooker of politics would dare deny the existence of lobbying in Canada, nor for that matter, dismiss lobbying as an inconsequential component of governing. Yet, despite this, lobbying continues to be relatively overlooked by Canadian scholars, especially compared to our American and European peers.Historically, to the extent that lobbying received scholars' attention, it was indirect: done by those studying interest groups and concerned with classic debates of pluralism and the concentration of power within Canada's Westminster political system (Pross 1986;Coleman 1987). This dearth of research can be explained partly by lobbying's highly clandestine nature. Until the 1990s scholars had little empirical material to examine other than interviews; a method, which, because of the unflattering reputation lobbying tends to receive, faced challenges in recruitment and social desirability bias. This began to change in 1989 when the federal government adopted its first lobbying legislation. Although minimally constraining, this legislation was an important step in recognizing and seeking to regulate lobbying activity. As Pross and Shepherd (2017) show, this action led to the diffusion of similar, but non-uniform, legislation among the provinces. Scholars have studied this legislation (Hudon and Yates 2008; Yates and Beauchamps 2008;Yates 2018), investigating its political motivations and objectives, as well as its effect on the public's perception of lobbying, and lobbyists' relationships with government personnel.Over time, the federal rules overseeing lobbying have continued to evolve. The most important change took place in 2008 following the adoption of the Federal Accountability Act, which introduced a new Lobbying Act alongside more strict and systematic disclosure rules. The new Lobbying Act, which made Canada a world leader in lobbying regulation (Chari et al. 2019), requires lobbyists to file a report "when oral and arranged communication has occurred between the lobbyist and a designated public office holder" (R.S.C. C-44, 1985). Each report states whether the lobbyist is a consultant or an inhouse lobbyist, the name of the consultant lobbyist (if applicable), the name