Away from Aligarh's bustling old city, across the railway track which divides the city into "two adjacent towns" (Mann 1992:28), lies the sprawling campus of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU). Bab-e-Syed, a grand gate made of sandstone and marble, acts as the visible frontier between the outside world and the venerable institution. Inside, the sherwanis that some students wear and the cusped arches and domes of older buildings give the campus a distinct mahaul (atmosphere) that further marks it out from the rest of the city.Although AMU occupies a separate, somehow peripheral space in Aligarh city, it remains for many a central symbol of Muslims' tahzeeb (culture) and socio-political status in India. From the very outset, Aligarh's founders projected their college-then known as the Muhammedan Anglo-Oriental College-as an all-India Muslim institution. Sir Syed 1 and his colleagues claimed to serve the interests of all Indian Muslims, even though in practice they mostly addressed North Indian ashraf 2 elites. After independence, many Aligarhians continued to see their alma mater as a source of pride for the community. To them, it epitomized Sir Syed's efforts to uplift Muslims and to preserve the legacy of the glorious Mughal past. By contrast, many outsiders regarded the institution with suspicion. Due to students and teachers' widespread support to Muslim League in the 1940s, AMU became a lieu de mémoire (memorial site) of partition and a symbol of so-called Muslim separatism (Brass 200. In either case, AMU was more than an educational institution. To its supporters and detractors alike, it appeared as a symbol of Muslims' position in India before and after independence. AMU therefore occupies a very special position in the Indian public sphere. It is simultaneously a central university, under control of the central government, and the Crisis of the "Nehruvian Consensus" or Pluralization of Indian Politics? Alig...