Constructing sexual risk: ‘Chikan’, collapsing male authority and the emergence of women-only train carriages in Japan

Abstract

Women-only train carriages have been introduced in Japan as a response to widespread groping (chikan) by men. In August 2007, 155 young women completed a survey at a variety of locations in central Tokyo, mainly at the popular meeting places, Shinjuku and Shibuya. The survey involved face-to-face interviews conducted mainly by young female interviewers. The numbers involved are insufficient for rigorous statistical analysis and in this pilot study we were principally interested in further refining ideas and hypotheses for further investigation by considering results in the context of significant contemporary social trends. This article starts by considering a particular cultural context in which the issue of groping resulted in the introduction of women-only train carriages and this official antigroping measure which has been widely accepted. The article then examines women's responses to the availability of women-only train carriages, using surveys carried out in Tokyo. It concludes by considering the specific and anomalous targeting of primarily middle aged 'salarymen', a focus understood in the context of the collapse of the ideological power of the patriarchal corporate figure associated with the end of the Japanese economic miracle. Women's use and support for women-only train carriages is not solely dominated by anxiety over the risk of chikan. Our survey indicated that it was a symbolic rejection of a particular type of masculinity, rather than the physical separation from a risk of being groped.

Harassment on public transport and its impacts on women’s travel behaviour

“…Reynolds 2016). There is emerging evidence that while some women may approve of these services, they may not use them, as has been found in Japan (Horii and Burgess 2012). Furthermore, the concept of women-only transport is considered problematic as it is seen to reinforce a message that women must be contained and segregated in order to protect them (Gekoski et al 2015, 10).…”

“…Sexual harassment on public transport appears to be primarily non-confrontational, although it often may include forms of confrontational harassment in the form of subtle groping, touching or leaning (Hsu 2011;Gekoski et al 2015). It usually occurs in closed-crowded spaces, where strangers take advantage of environmental conditions to harass (Hsu 2011;Horii and Burgess 2012;Madan and Nalla 2016). For example, Hirsch and Thompson (2011, 3) recount womens stories of standing in very crowded situations and being unsure if men were trying to take advantage of them.…”

The prevalence and nature of sexual harassment and assault against women and girls on public transport: an international review

“…Fear of using public transport may have multiple adverse effects on women including amongst victims of unwanted sexual behaviour: mental health problems (Horii & Burgess, 2012); agoraphobia (Fahmy et al, 2014); disturbed sleep, and nightmares (Battered Womens Support Services, 2014). Victims, and those who fear victimisation, may feel angry, disgusted (Jafarova et al, 2014), upset, anxious, humiliated (Fahmy et al, 2014), objectified, and frustrated (Dhillon & Bakaya, 2014).…”

“…Other surveys reveal that between 28 percent (Okabe, 2004) and 70 percent of women and girls (Anka et al 2001, Ishibashi, 2003 ) have experienced chikan. In a more rigorously reported study (high relevance/medium confidence) interviews with 155 young Tokyo based women in their 20s or under, found that 48 percent had been groped on a train (Horii & Burgess, 2012).…”

Passenger-surface microbiome interactions in the subway of Mexico City

“…The first two train cars are exclusively for women, disabled, and the elderly (Dunckel-Graglia 2013). Some cities have applied exclusive cars for women as a measure to decrease sexual harassment (Junior et al, 2017;Horii et al, 2012).…”