The industrial economics literature has been preoccupied with the purported link between industry structure and industry performance since the seminal study by Bain (1951). Traditionally, a positive link between concentration and profitability was enough to prove that competitive market forces had been neutralised at high concentration levels. By the mid-1970s the structure-conduct-performance (SCP) paradigm was entrenched as the dominant doctrine in industrial economics, particularly in the United States. It offered the intellectual rationale to justify competition (or antitrust) policies that favoured structural remedies or at the very least restricted mergers and acquisitions. However, various forces were at work that would irrevocably change the concentration-profits landscape. From the early 1970s a number of specification and interpretation difficulties started to blur the structure-performance link. Moreover, the appropriateness of using cross section techniques to test the concentration-profits hypothesis was increasingly challenged. In a parallel development a group of writers, which might be broadly labelled the 'Chicago School', aggressively challenged the structuralis t position. Led by Demsetz (1973), they maintained that evidence of a positive relationship between concentration and profitability was not 1998 SAJE v66 (4) p559 indicative of monopoly abuse but rather of superior efficiency. The research and policy debate flowing from the conflicting nature of these two developments drove the prolific concentration-profits literature for the next decade or two. Yet, no matter how many additional studies were completed, the mainstream or 'Harvard' approach and the Chicago School were not able to resolve their differences, nor was the mainstream view able to reconcile the in-house tensions that increasingly troubled its SCP doctrine. Together these forces pushed the concentration-profits debate to a point of "gridlock" (Bresnahan, 1989(Bresnahan, :1013 and a growing realisation that on its current course the debate could make no progress towards resolving the controversy. The impasse has met with various responses. Most notable was the emergence of the New Industrial Organisation (NIO) and New Empirical Industrial Organisation (NEIO) approaches. The common feature was a deep frustration with many weaknesses that plagued the cross section method of hypothesis testing. The New IO approach embraced rigorous theoretical modelling of market conduct, used sophisticated oligopoly and game theory with less emphasis to empirical testing, and shifted its focus from broad generalisations to generating "stylised facts", i.e. propositions that apply only to certain industries at certain times or under specific circumstances. The NEIO response, on the other hand, was to reaffirm the commitment to empirical testing but to apply greater theoretical rigour to its method of inquiry. Industry-specific study replaced cross section study. Neither New IO nor NEIO have been able to generate a conclusive set of answers about t...