Complicating Entanglements: Societal Factors Intruding in the Ghana Armed Forces’ Civil–Military Relations

Abstract

Scholarly debates on civil–military relations often focus on how the military impacts society. Adding to the vast literature of civil–military relations, this article examines how socio-cultural practices and societal developments in the host society affect the military. Based on long-term ethnographic engagement with the Ghana Armed Forces, the piece presents empirical observations of how culturally informed practices, such as begging via proxies ( djuan toa), infiltrate the Ghanaian military barracks and affect the institutions’ functioning. The article illustrates how two additional elements, skewed recruitment practices and the politicisation of the rank and file, are used as tools by political factions, such as Ghana’s two most prominent parties the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress, seeking to gain control over the Ghanaian military. The article analyses how these approaches contribute to undermining the armed forces’ discipline and military professionalism and consequently affect the military institution as a whole.

“We Are not into Politics, but Politics Is into Us”: The Politicization of the Ghana Armed Forces Through Patronage Exchanges between Political Elites and Military Leaders

“…It should be noted that Rawlings did more than transform the military into political powerbrokers. He initiated a much-needed transformation in the barracks at a time when the armed forces were in dire straits, appointing well-regarded generals (such as Arnold Quainoo, Winston Mensa-Wood, and Ben Akafia) to run the armed forces (Agyekum 2019;Oquaye 2004). Still, with the establishment of 64 Infantry Regiment, Rawlings had essentially created a better equipped parallel military, while gradually disarming the regular armed forces (Oquaye 2004).…”

“…The regular forces were in tatters and thus could not rebel against him, while the influential 64 Infantry Regiment firmly supported him. As was the case under Busia, the regular military was not allowed to undertake training exercises; the soldiers of 64 Infantry Regiment, on the other hand, were obliged to partake in exercises (Agyekum 2019). Respondents who served under Rawlings further note that the regular soldiers were held to military regulations in the barracks, while the militiamen of 64 Infantry Regiment were exempted from these; commanders of the regular military could not hold the militiamen to disciplinary standards, as they were not officially part of the military.…”

“…Ghana's constitution grants the president the prerogative to appoint the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) as well as the commanders of the army, air force, and navy, thus making these appointments a political affair (Aning 2008:323). 21 Unlike the appointments of the aforementioned leaders, the selection of commanders within the military is officially administrative, a privilege of the military system (Agyekum 2019). The perception in the Ghanaian barracks, however, is that these appointments are increasingly being politicized, especially the nominations for commanders of units deemed "sensitive" due to their history and their place as key units in Ghana's security infrastructure: the Armoured Reconnaissance Regiment, 5th Infantry Battalion, 1st Infantry Battalion, Airborne Force, 64 Infantry Regiment, and 66th Artillery Regiment (Agyekum 2019).…”

“…This article builds on a body of literature on African militaries (including Gutteridge 1966, Welch 1970, First 1970, Baynham 1978, and Hutchful 1997) which exists in dialogue with earlier works on civil-military relations (such as Huntington 1957, Janowitz 1960, and Finer 1962). Thus, the article contributes to recent scholarship that seeks to rethink civil-military relations in the African context, which are often characterized by patronage politics that undermine military organization and effectiveness (Khisa & Day 2020, 2022; Agyekum 2019, 2021).…”

“…With the notable exception of Khisa and Day, who study how practices such as begging impact discipline in the barracks, the aforementioned body of work has generally focused on how the military affects society (Agyekum 2021). This study, which focuses on a specific section within Ghanaian society-political actors who seek to influence the military-also positions itself within the well-established literature on clientelism (Kitschelt & Wilkinson 2007;Hyden 2016;Ravanilla, Haim & Hilken 2022;Miscoiu & Kakdeu 2021), and (neo)patrimonialism (Clapham 1985;Bratton & van de Walle 1999;van de Walle 2007;Vlavonou 2016;Glawion & de Vries 2018;Duursma 2022;Oostrom & Gukurume 2022).…”