Complementizer agreement with coordinated subjects in Polish

Abstract

This paper examines complementizer and verbal agreement with coordinate subjects in Polish. It shows that while certain patterns are possible, others (logically equally plausible ones) are not. The possible patterns are: (i) Resolved Agreement on both the verb and the complementizer, (ii) mixed agreement (Resolved Agreement on the verb and First Conjunct Agreement on the complementizer, and (iii) sandwiched agreement (First Conjunct Agreement on the complementizer and Last Conjunct Agreement on the verb). The differences between Resolved Agreement and Single Conjunct Agreement are attributed to two distinct ways Agree can operate; either as a sequence of Singular Agree operations, or as one instance of Multiple Agree, with Multiple Agree yielding Resolved Agreement and Singular Agree requiring feature conflict resolution at PF.

Gender agreement with exclusive disjunction in Slovenian

“…The participle thus agrees with the ANDP. Maruši c et al (2015) and Willer-Gold et al (2016, 2018 propose that all three agreement patterns can be generated in this NP coordination structure (see also Boškovi c 2009;Murphy & Puškar 2018). Under their analysis, it is assumed that the feature value on the ANDP is Our working hypothesis is that both the ellipsis and the NP coordination structure are available in sentences with disjoined subjects, illustrated in (8).…”

“…Recent years have seen a rise in experimental investigation of conjunction agreement in Slavic languages, in particular Slovenian and Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian (BCS) (see Maruši c et al 2015;Willer-Gold et al 2016, 2018Arsenijevi c et al 2019 among others). Four agreement strategies have been identified, namely Closest Conjunct Agreement (CCA), Highest Conjunct Agreement (HCA), Resolved agreement (RES) and Default agreement.…”

“…Given the rich set of conjunction agreement strategies in Slovenian and BCS, a handful of intricate proposals have been made regarding the feature specification of coordinators, feature resolution, and the structure of sentences with coordinated subjects (Maruši c et al 2015;Willer-Gold et al 2016, 2018Arsenijevi c et al 2019); direct comparison of disjunction and conjunction agreement can shed new light on these issues, especially the role different coordinators play in agreement patterns. 1 In particular, our findings contribute to the theoretical debate in the following ways:…”

Closest Conjunct Agreement

“…Observation of these cases is often limited to the agreement paradigm available for complementizer agreement, which usually retains the most overt distinctions in categories such as 2sg. In Polish, the conditional complementizer zeby can also exhibit CCA, yielding sandwiched patterns (Citko (2018) 2018)A second domain in which CCA is found is the noun phrase itself, as shown in the following examples from Spanish (Demonte & Pérez-Jiménez (2012) 2012)Prenominal adjectival gender and number agreement with only the first conjunct of this sort is widespread in Spanish, Italian, and French, and although such cases are occasionally treated as the result of ellipsis (Camacho (2003); Cinque (2010)), Demonte & Pérez-Jiménez (2012) provide convincing arguments on the basis of plural predicates (as in (32)) and quantificational readings that such cases cannot be reduced to ellipsis. Instead Demonte & Pérez-Jiménez (2012) argue that either the first conjunct or the ConjP head itself can be agreed with (somewhat like the approaches in Section 4.2.1), and that the ConjP head itself bears plural features (index-features in the sense of King & Dalrymple (2004), or perhaps equivalent to the plural pro atop the ConjP assumed by Citko (2004)).…”

The multi-valuation Agreement Hierarchy

“…What's relevant here is that the Nocte agreement pattern offers a non-RNR case of multi-valuation, which shows that multi-valuation is not restricted to Right Node Raising constructions but constitutes a more general phenomena. See Citko (2018) for summative agreement patterns with coordinated subjects in Polish. In this section, I have shown that multi-valuation can also target T heads in TP RNR and composed plurality in Nocte, and that ellipsis is not a valid predictor of multi-dominance/valuation.…”