Collective existential threat mediates White population decline’s effect on defensive reactions

Abstract

We present evidence from two studies probing into whether perceived numerical decline in the White population translate into collective existential threat to Whites, leading in turn to defensive reactions. In Study 1, we used correlational data to show whether collective existential threat mediates the relationship between perceptions of White population decline and defensive political reactions (i.e., racial biases and conservatism) among Whites. In Study 2, we replicate the results of Study 1 experimentally manipulating perceptions of White population decline and growth. Our results suggest that Whites’ perceptions of the ingroup’s numerical decline have a unique effect on their racial and political attitudes via heightened feelings of collective existential threat.

The “Need for Chaos” and Motivations to Share Hostile Political Rumors

“…Essentially, feelings of marginalization may drive a syndrome of highly disruptive sentiments that include motivations to share hostile political rumors that target the mainstream political system. Perhaps paradoxically, these feelings seem to be particularly widespread among groups traditionally believed to be majority or dominant groups (e.g., white males) (Bai & Federico, 2019;Kaufmann, 2018). Taken together, this constellation of findings implies that disruptive sentiments in current day politics may be tied to disgruntled members of majority groups who direct their frustration toward a system that they believe has abandoned them.…”

“…Thus, a key focus for future research is to look into whether feelings of threat to gender-or ethnicity-based groups can also operate as an elicitor of a Need for Chaos among dominance-oriented individuals. Potentially, this can explain some of the present-day polarization among groups traditionally believed to be dominant such as white males (Bai & Federico, 2019;Kaufmann, 2018).…”

Whites’ racial identity centrality and social dominance orientation are interactively associated with far‐right extremism

“…Although Whites' racial identity has been traditionally regarded as invisible and politically irrelevant because of Whites' majority status, researchers are updating our understanding of this identity in the current environment (e.g., Jardina, 2019;Major, Blodorn, & Major Blascovich, 2018). As the White population is declining and minority population is increasing in the United States, some Whites perceive these demographic trends as threats to their culture (Craig & Richeson, 2017), values (Bai & Federico, 2019a;Morrison, Plaut, Ybarra, 2010), political and economic status (e.g., Craig & Richeson, 2014a), representativeness as the most prototypical racial group in the United States (Danbold & Huo, 2015), and even their physical existence as a racial group (Bai & Federico, 2019b). As Whites are exposed to more racial outgroups and threats that are associated with demographic changes, their racial identity and affective attachment to their racial in-group are becoming more and more salient (Giles & Evans, 1985;Knowles & Peng, 2005;McGuire, McGuire, Child, & Fujioka, 1978).…”

“…In terms of social attitudes, Whites who experience greater threats tend to have greater racial biases (e.g., Bai & Federico, 2019b;Craig, & Richeson, 2014c) and become less tolerant of racial diversity (e.g., Danbold & Huo, 2015). In terms of political preferences, Whites who experience racial threats tend to prefer more conservative policies (e.g., Bai & Federico, 2019b;Craig & Richeson, 2014a), parties (Craig & Richeson, 2014a;Gest, Reny, & Mayer, 2017), and Donald Trump (Knowles & Tropp, 2018;Major et al, 2018;Mutz, 2018). Notably, the effect of threat is stronger for Whites who have a stronger racial identity centrality (Major et al, 2018), suggesting the importance of understanding the role of White identity.…”

The Multiple Matching Perspective on Value versus Identity: Investigating How Political Ideology and Party Identity Contribute to Citizens’ Support for Political Candidates

“…Just like research on party identity, past studies have also generated many findings about what demographic (e.g., Jacoby, 1991), personality (e.g., Duckitt et al, 2002;Gerber et al 2010) and situation variables (e.g., Craig & Richeson, 2014;Bai & Federico, 2020) can shape one s ideology (also see Jost, 2006 for a review), as well as what life outcomes and personal preferences political ideology can shape (e.g., Carney et al, 2008;Eastwick, Richeson, Son, & Finkel, 2009;Klofstad, McDermott, & Hatemi, 2013). Nevertheless, it seems that more studies that compare how liberal/Democrats differ from conservative/Republicans are organized using the framework of party identity, as opposed to ideology.…”