Cold war anthropology: Collaborators and victims of the national security state

Price, David H.

doi:10.1080/1070289x.1998.9962596

Cited by 83 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…In anthropology, this effectively silenced mainstream anthropology until revelations uncovered anthropologists' role in US counterinsurgency and participation in the American war against Vietnam Wakin, 1992;Price, 1998;Wax, 2008). This kind of silencing is complex.…”

Section: Critical Anthropologymentioning

confidence: 97%

Public Anthropology as Public Pedagogy: An Autobiographical Account

Beck

2011

Policy Futures in Education

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This autobiographical account provides a historical map of landmarks in the author's personal and professional life that led him to his present understanding of public anthropology as public pedagogy and vice versa. He indicates that his experiences led him to study sociocultural anthropology to investigate learning from experience, a foundational method in anthropology that this discipline describes as participant observation. While not completely rejecting participant observation, he asserts that objective and value-free anthropology is not viable, and hence an activist approach may not only support research agendas but also support the needs of the people and communities under study. He explains some of the issues that are related to making this approach work and the ethical elements involved in an approach that is mutually advantageous. As an anthropologist, he became more involved in the political engagement of the people who were the subjects of his investigation. His position is that at this time in human history anthropology must become more activist, given that the vulnerable of the world are subjected to conditions that are increasingly more exploitative and oppressive. Public pedagogy developed out of his research experiences, and as his activist orientation grew, he found that his anthropological engagement was also an in-context and in-process pedagogy. Not only was he teaching, but he was also learning dialogically, as Paulo Freire might do.

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Section: Critical Anthropologymentioning

confidence: 97%

Public Anthropology as Public Pedagogy: An Autobiographical Account

Beck

2011

Policy Futures in Education

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“…It was that apocalyptic prospect that had suddenly brought peasants to the centre‐stage of theoretical discourse in the 1950s and made them a growing subject of attention for social scientists whose activities and writings were profoundly affected by the dominant Cold War ideology (Keen, 1999; Ross, 2008; Simpson, 1998); this, while it created new research opportunities, also and more importantly imposed severe intellectual and theoretical limitations related to the co‐emergence of ‘the Cold War university’ (Lowen, 1997) and of the National Security State (see Keen, 1999; Price, 1998; Schrecker, 1986). Thus, as Keen (1999: 207) has observed, ‘The FBI's activities, including its widespread surveillance of American sociologists, served to silence dissent, inhibit democratic discourse, and push the mainstream of the discipline toward an uncritical support of the status quo’.…”

Section: A Radical Critic Of the Latin American Status Quomentioning

confidence: 99%

A Critic Unfettered: The Legacy of Ernest Feder

Ross¹

2011

Development and Change

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Ernest Ludwig Feder was among the most prolific, creative and boldest of rural economists in the decades after the Second World War. Yet much of the work for which he would become most well known -on land reform, dependency and peasant agriculture, particularly in Latin America -was a comparatively late development, starting when he was almost fifty, more than two-thirds of the way through a full and varied life that never conformed to conventional academic criteria and that came to a premature end when he was just seventy-one. In the years since, the relevance of his work has grown, although the number of younger scholars who actually read his books and papers has declined.

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“…As Sluka observes, McFate contends that anthropology as a discipline was born to serve the military and colonial ambitions of Western nations. Citing a long history of academic and government collaboration (including such well‐known instances as Project Camelot; Price 1998), she argues for a return to a more active engagement of anthropologists in the work of counterinsurgency (McFate 2005a). Sluka, like others within the discipline, decries this suggestion, fearing that such collaboration will compromise anthropologists’ ethical obligation to safeguard their research informants from harm, while undermining progress made toward openness and accountability within the academy (Albro 2007; Fleuhr‐Lobban and Heller 2007; Gusterson 2005; Members of the Network of Concerned Anthropologists 2007; Price 2005).…”

Section: Culture and Securitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Security and the Culture Expert: Dilemmas of an Engaged Anthropology

Goldstein

2010

PoLAR

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What does it mean for anthropology to be relevant in the context of an ongoing global war on terror? This article examines the meanings of “security,” concentrating on the discipline's engagement with the military and the ways in which the anthropological concept of culture has been deployed in post‐9/11 security campaigns. It argues that while there are many potential pitfalls awaiting the so‐called culture expert in military collaborations, security nevertheless remains an important field to which anthropologists can bring critical scholarly attention and ethical engagement.

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Cold war anthropology: Collaborators and victims of the national security state

Cited by 83 publications

References 23 publications

Public Anthropology as Public Pedagogy: An Autobiographical Account

Public Anthropology as Public Pedagogy: An Autobiographical Account

A Critic Unfettered: The Legacy of Ernest Feder

Security and the Culture Expert: Dilemmas of an Engaged Anthropology

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