Coercion and Conciliation in Ireland 1880-1892

Curtis, L. Perry

doi:10.1515/9781400877003

Cited by 35 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…90 The miserly Marquis was dubbed Clan-Rack-Rent and even ignored pleas from his land agent, Frank Joyce, to grant a universal reduction of twenty-five per cent on the Woodford part of his estate where land was desperately marginal, stating that he would only deal with individual cases. 91 His belligerence led to the second phase of the Land War from 1886 that became known as the Plan of Campaign. 92 The second half of the 1880s saw Irish landlords haemorrhaging support.…”

Section: VImentioning

confidence: 99%

Matt Harris and the Irish Land Question, 1876–1882

Casey¹

2014

Rural History

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Abstract:The land question concerned all classes in Ireland in the nineteenth century. A series of grassroots leaders played an important role in local politics that served as a major building block for future generations of politicians and nationalists. Yet the role of these regional personalities has generally been neglected in historiography as attention is paid to a ‘top-down’ approach to the Irish Land War. This article aims to address a lacuna in research by paying attention to one of the more significant regional personalities during the Irish Land War: Matt Harris. It will explore the ideas that he expressed on Land League platforms, pamphlets, newspapers and the Parnell Commission, as he sought a solution to the social malaise that was perpetuated thanks to an imbalance in land legislation that favoured stronger farmers while also giving a voice to the subaltern classes in the west of Ireland.

show abstract

Section: VImentioning

confidence: 99%

Matt Harris and the Irish Land Question, 1876–1882

Casey¹

2014

Rural History

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…But a united legislature made it difficult to treat Ireland's problems separately in any sustained way and the interventions of the ramshackle Irish administration tended to be ad hoc, reluctant and spasmodic (McDowell, 1964). In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, however, a range of state-aided programmes of economic development and social amelioration were introduced which have been described as 'constructive unionism' (Barker, 1919;Curtis, 1963;Gailey, 1987). The scale and integrated nature of reform had little parallel in contemporary Britain and included thoroughgoing land reform, pioneering attempts at housing for the rural poor, rural reconstruction and regional planning and administration.…”

Section: The Emergence Of Constructive Unionismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Constructive Unionism and the Shaping of Rural Ireland, c. 1880–1921

Aalen

1993

Rural History

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Financially independent of his Irish rents, he successfully frustrated all efforts to ease the situation on his Galway estate until he was forced to sell by the Land Court in 1915. 40 Irish diehards took an important part in political action against Home Rule. From the mid-1880s, the Earl of Erne worked as Imperial Orange Grand Master and, with Lord Ranfurly, as a member of the Ulster Unionist Party's Standing Committee.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The “Diehards” and the Myth of the “Backwoodsmen”

Phillips

1977

J. Br. Stud.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The term “backwoodsmen” originated in the rhetoric of an embattled Liberal Government intent on discrediting an overwhelmingly Unionist House of Lords during the struggle over the “People's Budget” of 1909. The description applied to those peers, supposedly the great majority of the Upper Chamber, who almost never attended debates and had nothing to do with national affairs. The “diehards”, the 112 temporal peers who voted against the Parliament Bill of 1911, have been characterized by both their contemporaries and later historians as conforming to the “backwoodsmen” stereotype. This politically motivated description of the “diehards” has been accepted as substantially accurate since it was first formulated. It is a prime example of a received historical “truth” repeated by many historians, but left uninvestigated.Like other clichés used by historians, this characterization of the diehards as “backwoodsmen” has hindered the effort to understand the politics and society of the period in question. As Lord Willoughby de Broke, a prominent diehard, stated in his autobiography, the result of contemporary and later comment has been that “backwoodsmen” have “occupied a special niche in the public vision. They were presented as being a rare and rudimentary species of the human race.” The study of the diehards, believed to be composed of members of this odd species, has been perfunctory at best. For if the group is thought to be almost completely divorced from national politics and affairs, perhaps by its own choice, and if it is further thought to behave either simply in terms of landed reaction or as the willing tool of the Unionist leadership, further analysis would seem to be both unnecessary and unproductive for the understanding of modern British society.

show abstract

Coercion and Conciliation in Ireland 1880-1892

Cited by 35 publications

References 0 publications

Matt Harris and the Irish Land Question, 1876–1882

Matt Harris and the Irish Land Question, 1876–1882

Constructive Unionism and the Shaping of Rural Ireland, c. 1880–1921

The “Diehards” and the Myth of the “Backwoodsmen”

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About