Cliticization feeds agreement: a view from Quechua

Myler, Neil

doi:10.1007/s11049-016-9351-y

Cited by 8 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 42 publications

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“…Una pregunta que podría surgir es si el quechua posee, en todo caso, un sistema de morfemas de Objeto. Con solamente un morfema de Objeto fijo, la primera persona -wa, es válida la pregunta si un solo morfema, cuyo estatus como morfema flexivo incluso ha sido puesto en cuestionamiento al analizarlo como clítico (Myler 2016), soporta una clasificación para el quechua.…”

Section: Figura 3 Realización De Morfemas En Núcleos Del Quechua Ayacuchanounclassified

“…Tanto Nevins (2011) como Myler (2016) ofrecen argumentos para reconsiderar ciertos morfemas como clíticos en contra de lo que Zwicky & Pullum (1989) sostenían. La razón fundamental tanto para Nevins como para Myler es la del ascenso del morfema en tanto clítico para que este interactúe con otros núcleos y puedan sustentar el fenómeno de Concordancia Múltiple (Multiple Agree) en un dominio donde es posible este fenómeno.…”

Section: Figura 3 Realización De Morfemas En Núcleos Del Quechua Ayacuchanounclassified

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Defectividad y lexicalización en paradigmas morfológicos: el caso del morfema –su del quechua ayacuchano

Paredes

2021

CLECM

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Este estudio brinda una discusión sobre el morfema –sun del quechua ayacuchano, el cual es empleado para el exhortativo y futuro de primera persona inclusivo, y, a la vez, para el marcado de objeto de segunda persona. Mi propuesta es que dicho morfema ha cubierto un vacío en el paradigma de flexión verbal, producto de la necesidad del sistema de patentar la función sintáctica de Objeto y la saliencia del rasgo Oyente. Es así que el quechua emplea dicho morfema para dominios distintos de la sintaxis: dominio del acto de habla, en el caso del exhortativo, y dominio del evento, el caso del marcado de segunda persona objeto. Además, abriré una discusión sobre la diacronía de este morfema, el cual debido al grado de complejidad del sistema de morfemas de Actos de Habla, pudo haber sido el origen del morfema defectivo en el paradigma de transición de persona; no obstante, no llegaré a respuestas concluyentes al respecto.

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Section: Figura 3 Realización De Morfemas En Núcleos Del Quechua Ayacuchanounclassified

Defectividad y lexicalización en paradigmas morfológicos: el caso del morfema –su del quechua ayacuchano

Paredes

2021

CLECM

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“…Another contrast of this sort comes from case‐assignment: Bobaljik () shows that agreement must be ordered after case‐assignment, yet it is well‐known that clitic‐doubling affects the case‐assignment properties of a clause (Jaeggli attributes to Richard Kayne the notion that clitics ‘absorb’ the case of their associated arguments; see Anagnostopoulou for discussion). Similarly, Myler () finds that clitics are ‘visible’ to agreement probes—this contrasts with agreement morphology itself, which is not considered to be visible to subsequent agreement probes.…”

Section: Clitic‐doubling and Agreementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Choctaw as a Window into the Clitic/Agreement Split

Tyler

2018

Studia Linguistica

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The Choctaw verb hosts argument-referencing morphemes that could plausibly be analyzed as φ-agreement affixes or argument-doubling clitics. I argue that (almost) all the morphemes in question are clitics, on the basis of several state-of-the-art tests. The bulk of the argumentation comes from two of the morphemes' properties in particular: firstly, they participate in clitic-climbing alternations, and secondly, they are able to license the extrinsic plural marker oklah, an element with the syntactic licensing conditions typical of floating quantifiers. Following much work proposing that clitics have the syntactic status of determiner heads in an A-movement chain with their DP associate, I show that the properties just outlined follow straightforwardly from a clitic analysis, but would not be predicted under a φ-agreement analysis.

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Agreement and the Realization of Arguments

Yuan,

Tyler

2023

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Morphology

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Agreement is a grammatical phenomenon whereby the form of a morpheme or word co‐varies with the morphosyntactic properties of another word or phrase, typically a noun. Although agreement is, by definition, conditioned by the ϕ‐features (e.g. person, number, gender features) of a noun, a broader survey of cross‐linguistic patterns reveals that the surface realization of a noun may similarly have an effect on agreement, even when its ϕ‐features are kept constant. Focusing on noun–verb agreement dependencies, we provide several case studies that illustrate this idea and we show that the relevant factors range from a noun's morphological case to its structural position. Although in many cases these effects may be analysed in purely syntactic terms – that is, they are derivable from conditions on the syntactic process that underlies agreement – we also highlight cross‐linguistic patterns that seem to involve non‐structural factors.

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Cliticization feeds agreement: a view from Quechua

Cited by 8 publications

References 42 publications

Defectividad y lexicalización en paradigmas morfológicos: el caso del morfema –su del quechua ayacuchano

Defectividad y lexicalización en paradigmas morfológicos: el caso del morfema –su del quechua ayacuchano

Choctaw as a Window into the Clitic/Agreement Split

Agreement and the Realization of Arguments

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