Cleared for investment? The intersections of transnational capital, gender, and race in the production of sexual violence and internal displacement in Colombia’s armed conflict

Sachseder, Julia

doi:10.1080/14616742.2019.1702473

Cited by 11 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…Far from being a homogenous group, IDPs in Colombia are traversed by cleavages dividing Colombian society more broadly. These social demarcations include gendered and racialised hierarchies, as well as class-based, political and regional divisions (Sachseder, 2020; Safford and Palacios, 2002). In particular, Colombia’s history of European colonialism (Safford and Palacios, 2002: 27) means the country is characterised by structural racism that privileges whiteness and puts the mixed, mestizo , population at the top, while the country’s indigenous and black populations face persistent marginalisation (Cárdenas et al, 2020; Paschel, 2016; Wade, 1993).…”

Section: Ethnographic Context: Internal Displacement In Colombiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Displacement, time and resistance: The role of waiting in facilitating occupations led by internally displaced persons in Colombia

Iversen

2021

Time & Society

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This article contributes to the existing literature on the politics of waiting by discussing occupations led by internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Colombia. This literature has emphasised both the power that waiting frequently entails and, increasingly, the agency it can comprise. Yet less has been said about the potential role of waiting in generating resistance. Drawing on a Foucauldian understanding of power as intimately tied to resistance, this article explores how waiting can, in some instances, produce resistance. It uses fieldwork conducted in Bogotá, Colombia, between October 2017 and August 2018, including ethnographic observations and 120 interviews conducted with IDPs and state officials, to explore the centrality of waiting to IDPs’ experiences of displacement in Colombia. Contrary to those who would argue that such waiting encourages passivity, the article draws on a discussion of a two-year-long occupation by IDPs in Bogotá to argue that the long waiting periods facing the occupation’s participants prior to partaking in it were instrumental to facilitating the occupation. Waiting enabled the occupation in two major ways: by bringing together a group of people who would not have met had they not been forced to spend prolonged time together in close quarters and by constituting a key source of frustration motivating the occupation.

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Section: Ethnographic Context: Internal Displacement In Colombiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Displacement, time and resistance: The role of waiting in facilitating occupations led by internally displaced persons in Colombia

Iversen

2021

Time & Society

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“…Being a 'good man' was associated with armed violence, partly because they had little access to other symbols of male prestige, including education, legal income or decent housing; and partly because militarized masculinity is part of a performance, and the audience comprises not only the other men with whom each men struggles for a place within the armed group's hierarchy but also young women who seek out these gran hombres (big men) as desirable partners in an economy of war. (Theidon, 2009, p. 18) Many paramilitarists had thus been socialized in violent and heterosexist contexts, which rely on the gender dichotomy of men as strong and powerful and sexual violence and the subordination of women as natural (Sachseder, 2019).…”

Section: Gendered and Racialized Logics Of Paramilitary Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Deploying 'social cleaning squads'known locally as La Limpieza Social paramilitaries have targeted transgendered people, prostituted women, and the homeless with lethal violence as part of a broader strategy of social control (Garzon, 2017;Wienand & Tremaria, 2017). Sexual violence is employed by groups against such undesirables and against women transgressing gendered social roles as 'corrective violence' or to 'cleanse the population' of these undesirable influences (Sachseder, 2019). For example, a paramilitary commander of Los Rastrojos sought to punish two women for fighting in public by forcing one to sweep the streets the following day.…”

Section: Gendered and Racialized Logics Of Paramilitary Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

“…As such, sexual and gender-based violence has not been confined to conflict-affected areas of the country, but has followed displaced women into urban centres, and has particularly been employed against vocal women's leaders fighting either to protect their land from mining operations or to have seized lands restituted (Sachseder, 2019). The pattern leads Garzon to argue that just as sexual violence is used by armed groups to prevent women from keeping or regaining control over their lands, so too is it used as a form of discipline, because their leadership is interpreted as a transgression against both traditional gender regimes and patterns of racial subordination.…”

Section: Gendered and Racialized Logics Of Paramilitary Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

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Militarized peace: understanding post-conflict violence in the wake of the peace deal in Colombia

Meger

Sachseder

2020

Globalizations

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After more than 50 years of war, in 2016, the Colombian government signed a historic peace accord with the country's largest rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Although the cessation of hostilities between the rebel group and the government is a monumental step, violence remains rife in the country. By drawing attention to the correlation between neoliberal economic development in the country and militarism, this paper sheds light on several structural issues that have been left potentially unresolved by the peace negotiations, each with the potential to ignite further violence. We introduce the concept of militaristic neoliberalism to argue that there is a fundamental link between Colombia's neoliberal development and a culture of militarism, which relies on gendered and racialized constructions of 'self' and 'other', that exacerbate structural inequalities and severely hampers prospects for achieving peace for many of Colombia's citizens post-conflict.

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“…Brenner 2019;Johnston and Lingham 2020;Meger and Sachseder 2020;Sachseder 2020;South 2018. 22 Farr et al 2009 Le Brun et al 2019;Myrttinen 2020. …”

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Looking beyond rape and war: The need to take violence prevention seriously in Women, peace and security

López¹,

Myrttinen²

2022

J Regional Security

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In the two decades since its inception, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has arguably had its greatest impact in terms of opening up discussions on women in conflict, in opening up security sector institutions for women and in setting up new mechanisms to try to counter conflict-related sexual violence. While this is in many ways commendable, this has also led to the militarisation of WPS, a narrow focus only on particular forms of gender-based violence, and led to a disengagement with the overarching goal of preventing armed violence in the first place. It has also led to a false perception that WPS only relates to armed conflict. Furthermore, where WPS-related consultation and participation mechanisms have been set up, these are often side-lined in times of crisis. Drawing on experience from working on WPS issues in various contexts, we argue for a fundamental rethink of the approach to 'prevention' in WPS, for a strengthening of the 'peace' element of WPS, and for a closer linking of WPS with other agendas such as climate change response, disarmament, social inequality, corruption, broader gender equality and gender transformation for the agenda to go beyond 'making war safe for women. ' These shifts need to be properly reflected in national and local implementation of WPS but also based on a more intersectional and comprehensive approach to gender.

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Cleared for investment? The intersections of transnational capital, gender, and race in the production of sexual violence and internal displacement in Colombia’s armed conflict

Abstract: To cite this article: Julia Sachseder (she/her/hers) (2020) Cleared for investment? The intersections of transnational capital, gender, and race in the production of sexual violence and internal displacement in Colombia's armed conflict,

Cited by 11 publications

References 37 publications

Displacement, time and resistance: The role of waiting in facilitating occupations led by internally displaced persons in Colombia

Displacement, time and resistance: The role of waiting in facilitating occupations led by internally displaced persons in Colombia

Militarized peace: understanding post-conflict violence in the wake of the peace deal in Colombia

Looking beyond rape and war: The need to take violence prevention seriously in Women, peace and security

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