Clause structure, ellipsis and proper government in Irish

McCloskey, James

doi:10.1016/0024-3841(91)90023-x

Cited by 190 publications

(74 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…The discussion is about what type of movement is involved, Vto-I or V-to-C movement. Some hold that VSO should be derived by V-to-C movement (Déprez and Hale 1986, Hale 1989, Stowell 1989, Malone 1990, Huybregts 1991, Koeneman 2009), whereas others take the movement to be an instance of V-to-I movement (Chung and McCloskey 1987, Guilfoyle 1990, Rouveret 1990, Koopman and Sportiche 1991, McCloskey 1991. Focusing on Modern Irish, our proposal predicts that this language cannot have V-to-I movement because it lacks rich subject agreement.…”

Section: A12 Vso Languagesmentioning

confidence: 78%

The Rich Agreement Hypothesis Rehabilitated

Koeneman

Zeijlstra

2014

Linguistic Inquiry

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The generalization that V-to-I movement is conditioned by rich subject agreement on the finite verb (the Rich Agreement Hypothesis) has long been taken to indicate a tight connection between syntax and morphology. Recently, the hypothesis has been questioned on both empirical and theoretical grounds. Here, we demonstrate that the empirical arguments against this hypothesis are incorrect and that it therefore must be rehabilitated in its strongest form. Theoretically, we argue that the correlation between syntax and morphology is not direct (morphology does not drive syntax) but follows from principles of language acquisition: only if language learners are confronted with particular morphological contrasts do they postulate the presence of corresponding formal features that in turn drive syntactic operations.

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Section: A12 Vso Languagesmentioning

confidence: 78%

The Rich Agreement Hypothesis Rehabilitated

Koeneman

Zeijlstra

2014

Linguistic Inquiry

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“…These various constructions have in common that there is no overt operator in specCP, and indeed no reason to assume that there has been wh-movement out of the VP at all (though it is sometimes argued that there is some kind of null operator present in specCP for various reasons, this operator is not usually assumed to originate within the clause; see McCloskey 1991:295, Potsdam 1996, and Bennis 1998. These constructions are thus irrelevant to our present concerns.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Subject-auxiliary inversion in comparatives and PF output constraints

Merchant¹

2003

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

107

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“…Since the verb's other arguments are also inside vP, it is possible for ellipsis to delete vP, wiping out all the arguments but stranding the verb. This type of ellipsis, which was first documented by McCloskey (1991McCloskey ( , 2001 for Irish, argues that at some point in the derivation, the verb's arguments do indeed form a syntactic constituent separate from the verb.…”

Section: Verb-first Word Ordermentioning

confidence: 94%

Introduction

Chung

Polinsky

2009

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This introduction surveys the prospects for developing a systematic comparative approach to Austronesian syntax and outlines the benefits of such an approach for syntactic theory. We begin with a brief overview of Austronesian languages, focusing on some typologically unusual aspects of their grammar, and the theoretical explanations that have been proposed for these features. We then survey the articles in the rest of this volume and the theoretical questions they address. A novel feature of this special issue is that each article is followed by a commentary by another Austronesian linguist which engages the same issues from a different perspective. The pairings of article and commentary should give readers a window into the study of Austronesian syntax and its current contributions to linguistic theory.

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Clause structure, ellipsis and proper government in Irish

Cited by 190 publications

References 15 publications

The Rich Agreement Hypothesis Rehabilitated

The Rich Agreement Hypothesis Rehabilitated

Subject-auxiliary inversion in comparatives and PF output constraints

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