Class Origin, Class Destination, and Education: A Cross-National Study of Ten Industrial Nations

Ishida, Hiroshi; Müller, Walter; Ridge, J. M.

doi:10.1086/230701

Cited by 188 publications

(126 citation statements)

References 39 publications

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“…it is these students who, if they have achieved only low levels of academic performance, are even less likely than students of working-class background at the same level of performance to go on to A-level work -because, one might speculate, in this case entering into the family enterprise would seem a clearly better option. It has been shown (Ishida et al, 1995) that across a range of modern societies educational qualifications play virtually no part in mediating intergenerational stability within Class IV. 14.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Primary and Secondary Effects in Class Differentials in Educational Attainment

Jackson¹,

Erikson

Goldthorpe³

et al. 2007

Acta Sociologica

297

199

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In this article we start from Boudon's important, but still surprisingly neglected, distinction between 'primary' and 'secondary' effects in the creation of class differentials in educational attainment. Primary effects are all those, whether of a genetic or socio-cultural kind, that are expressed via the association between children's class backgrounds and their actual levels of academic performance. Secondary effects are those that are expressed via the educational choices that children from differing class backgrounds make within the range of choice that their previous performance allows them. We apply a method introduced by Erikson and Jonsson to represent the relationship between primary and secondary effects in analysing class differentials in one crucial transition within the English and Welsh educational system: that which children make at around age 16 and which determines whether or not they will pursue the higher-level academic qualifications -A-levels -that are usually required for university entry. We then use a development of this method that we have earlier proposed in order to produce quantitative estimates of the relative importance of primary and secondary effects as they operate within this transition. We show that secondary effects reinforce primary effects to a substantial extent, accounting for at least one quarter, and possibly up to one-half, of class differentials as measured by odds ratios. In conclusion, we consider some theoretical and policy implications of our findings.keywords: class origin ◆ educational inequality ◆ England and Wales ◆ primary effects ◆ secondary effects

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Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Primary and Secondary Effects in Class Differentials in Educational Attainment

Jackson¹,

Erikson

Goldthorpe³

et al. 2007

Acta Sociologica

297

199

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

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“…Thus, people with higher levels of education have access to and use more opportunities to maintain and develop their skills. As the socio-economic background of the family strongly impacts individual level of education (Breen and Jonsson 2005;Ishida et al 1995), individuals with different levels of education have experienced different upbringings that may translate into differences in self-concepts, the value attached to education, and, consequently, motivation to learn. As quantity and quality of motivation as well as individual understanding of motivation to learn may vary depending on their socio-economic and educational background, we need to ensure that the scale shows measurement invariance across levels of education.…”

Section: Differences By Level Of Educationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Same but different? Measurement invariance of the PIAAC motivation-to-learn scale across key socio-demographic groups

Gorges

Koch

Maehler

et al. 2017

Large-scale Assess Educ

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BackgroundThe release of the (first round of ) PIAAC data in 2013 has drawn educational researchers' attention to a thus far neglected target group in education: adult learners. With respect to literacy, numeracy, and problem solving in technology-rich environments (ICT) skills, PIAAC data reveals differences across the participating countries (OECD 2013a). Going beyond cross-national comparisons, the general OECD report (OECD 2013a) and country-specific publications (e.g., Maehler et al. 2013; Statistics Canada 2013) provide in-depth analyses of specific population subgroup competencies that are relevant for researchers, educators, and policy-makers alike. These analyses show systematic skill differences across gender, age groups, level of education, and migration Abstract Background: Data from the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) revealed that countries systematically differ in their respondents' literacy, numeracy, and problem solving in technology-rich environments skills; skill levels also vary by gender, age, level of education or migration background. Similarly, systematic differences have been documented with respect to adults' participation in education, which can be considered as a means to develop and maintain skills. From a psychological perspective, motivation to learn is considered a key factor associated with both skill development and participation in (further) education. In order to account for motivation when analyzing PIAAC data, four items from the PIAAC background questionnaire were recently compiled into a motivation-to-learn scale. This scale has been found to be invariant (i.e., showing full weak and partial strong measurement invariance) across 21 countries.Methods: This paper presents further analyses using multiple-group graded response models to scrutinize the validity of the motivation-to-learn scale for group comparisons. Results:Results indicate at least partial strong measurement invariance across gender, age groups, level of education, and migration background in most countries under study (all CFI > .95, all RMSEA < .08). Thus, the scale is suitable for comparing both means and associations across these groups. Conclusions: Results are discussed in light of country characteristics, challenges of measurement invariance testing, and potential future research using PIAAC data. Open Access© The Author(s) 2017. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.

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“…The educational system, as a superstructure, maintains and reproduces the production relationships, the unequal distribution of wealth in society, creating the conditions so that the children of the middle class can be equipped with "social skills" that will allow them to maintain their privileges and class position they inherit from their family. The theories of conflict (Marxian and Marxist) 2 recognize in the school the targeted and systematic reproduction of the terms of class stratification and the class and social benefits which result from it (Breen & Goldthorpe, 1997;Breen & Jonsson, 2005;Erikson & Goldthorpe, 2002;Nash, 2006;Ishida et al 1995).…”

Section: Educational Inequality and Social Inequalitymentioning

confidence: 99%