Class-Linked Conflict between Two Dimensions of Liberalism-Conservatism

Mitchell, Robert

doi:10.2307/798590

Cited by 5 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…Since Lipset (1959) proposed that the working class is as progressive towards issues of economic distribution (egalitarian) as it is conservative when it comes to non-economic issues (authoritarian), numerous studies have demonstrated that there are in fact two separate ideological domains (compare Converse 1964;Evans, Heath and Lalljee 1996;Feldman 2003;Felling and Peters 1986;Fleishman 1988;Heath, Evans and Martin 1994;Kelly and Chambliss 1966;Middendorp 1991;Mitchell 1966;O'Kane 1970;Scheepers, Eisenga and Van Snippenburg 1992). Middendorp (1991:76) rightly summarizes his own -and all other -findings on the subject as follows: "…the two values underlying most model elements …are those of freedom and equality: the former applied to the political socio-cultural domain; the latter applied to the socio-economic domain."…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Ideologically Illogical? Why Do the Lower-Educated Dutch Display so Little Value Coherence?

Achterberg

Houtman

2009

Social Forces

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mentioning

confidence: 99%

Ideologically Illogical? Why Do the Lower-Educated Dutch Display so Little Value Coherence?

Achterberg

Houtman

2009

Social Forces

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“…Already hinted at by Lipset in the 1950Lipset in the 's (1959, the zerorelationship between economic conservatism/progressiveness and authoritarianism/libertarianism has been found ever since among the mass publics of Western countries (e.g., Mitchell, 1966;Kelly & Chambliss, 1966;O'Kane, 1970;Felling & Peters, 1986;De Witte, 1990;Fleishman, 1988;Middendorp, 1991;Scheepers et al, 1992;Olson & Carroll, 1992;Heath et al, 1994;Evans et al, 1996;Houtman, 2003). This means that without additional information (Achterberg and Houtman, 2009), one cannot predict among the public at large whether, for instance, someone is for or against the death penalty (authoritarianism/libertarianism) if one knows his or her stance towards income redistribution (economic conservatism/progressiveness) (and vice versa, of course).…”

Section: L a S S V O T I N G A N D C U L T U R A L V O T I N Gmentioning

confidence: 99%

Two lefts and two rights.

Houtman¹,

Achterberg²

2010

Sociologie

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culture politique (Ronald Inglehart et al.) en se fondant sur la partie néerlandaise de l'enquête sociale européenne de 2002 (European Social Survey 2002). L'analyse est restreinte pour les raisons théoriques au vote pour les partis emblématiques de cette nouvelle culture politique-parti populiste (LPF) de droite, d'une part, parti écologiste (GroenLinks), de l'autre-et aux deux grands partis traditionnels à base « classiste »-parti travailliste (PVDA) et parti conservateur (VVD). La théorie du vote de classe rend compte de manière satisfaisante du vote pour les partis traditionnels. La classe ouvrière vote pour le parti travailliste (PVDA) et les classes plus privilégiées pour le parti conservateur (VVD). Le vote pour le parti écologiste (GroenLinks) ou pour le parti populiste (LPF) semble relever davantage, en revanche, d'une logique de vote culturel, les catégories les plus éduquées portant davantage leurs suffrages sur les écologistes, et les moins instruits votant plus massivement pour le LPF sur la base de l'adhésion à des valeurs libérales/libertaires, d'un côté, et autoritaires, de l'autre. On en conclut à la nécessité de distinguer plus rigoureusement vote de classe et vote culturel, et que l'évolution marquante observée depuis la fi n de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale n'est peut-être pas tant dans le déclin du vote de classe que dans la progression du vote culturel.

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“…Sinds de járen zestig is in een aanzienlijk aantal Amerikaanse, Vlaamse en Nederlandse studies aangetoond dat beide typen conservatisme/progressiviteit inderdaad volledig onafhankelijk van elkaar zijn (bijv. Mitchell, 1966;Kelly en Chambliss, 1966;O'Kane, 1970;Felling en Peters, 1984;Fleishman, 1988;De Witte, 1990;Middendorp, 1991;Scheepers e.a., 1992;Oison en Carroll, 1992;Molnar e.a., 1994;Houtman, ¡995). Weten wij bijvoorbeeld wat iemands houding tegenover inkomens nivellering ('economisch' conservatisme/progressiviteit) is, dan kunnen wij hieruit derhalve niet voorspellen hoe hij of zij zal oordelen over bijvoorbeeld de aanvaard baarheid van homoseksualiteit of de waarde van de traditionele arbeidsverdeling tussen mannen en vrouwen ('cultureel' conservatisme/progressiviteit).…”

Section: 'Economisch' En 'Cultureel' Conservatisme-progressiveitunclassified

Klassepositie, conservatisme en progressiviteit: theoretische problemen rond empirische samenhangen

Houtman¹

1997

Tijdschrift Voor Sociologie

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A theoretical discussion of available research findings yields the conclusion that whereas 'economic' conservatism-progressiveness can be explained by class, 'cultural' conservatism-progressiveness cannot. It is demonstrated why a rejection of the latter part of this thesis implies a neglect of the distinction between the description of political differences between occupational groupings on the one hand and the explanation of political values from class differences on the other. After a discussion of the intellectual origins of the theoretical problems which have been established in this article, research into i) the one- or two-dimensionality of political values, ii) the role of economic interests, and iii) processes of self-selection regarding educational and occupational choice is indicated as an important means to help and solve them.

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Class-Linked Conflict between Two Dimensions of Liberalism-Conservatism

Cited by 5 publications

References 4 publications

Ideologically Illogical? Why Do the Lower-Educated Dutch Display so Little Value Coherence?

Ideologically Illogical? Why Do the Lower-Educated Dutch Display so Little Value Coherence?

Two lefts and two rights.

Klassepositie, conservatisme en progressiviteit: theoretische problemen rond empirische samenhangen

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