Civil War in Syria

Baczko, Adam; Dorronsoro, Gilles; Quesnay, Arthur

doi:10.1017/9781108355322

Cited by 26 publications

(10 citation statements)

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“…This is exemplified by the establishment of the Kurdish National Council (KNC) in Syria – an ad hoc coalition formed in Iraqi Kurdistan in 2011 as a challenge to the PYD/PKK, whose legitimacy relied on the patronage of Masud Barzani, President of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq with support from Turkey. This split the Kurdish opposition in Syria, but the Syrian KNC was incohesive and unable to play a role on the ground; consequently, it was suppressed by the PYD, making the latter the dominant political force in the north (Baczko et al, 2018).…”

Section: Negotiating Self‐determination At Several Levels Simultaneouslymentioning

confidence: 99%

Palestinian and Kurdish nationalism: Understanding the ‘politics of the possible’

Jensehaugen

Tank

2022

Studies Ethnicity & National

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This article compares the efforts of the Palestinians and the Kurdsthe two largest stateless nations in the Middle Eastto obtain recognition. While Kurdish movements are spread across four countries in the region -Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran, with specificities dependent on the historical context and relations with the particular host statein this article we focus on the Syrian Kurds as a contrast to the Palestinians. This is because these two communities arrive at different end-points in their national liberation projects despite sharing similar self-determination aims. These differences provide an opportunity to analyse and comment on the factors which impact on self-determination trajectories. The article examines the emancipatory potential of nationalism while simultaneously reflecting on the limitations imposed by regional dynamics and intra-group tensions. We compare the constraints faced by these two groups as non-state actors in a region shaped by the realpolitik of powerful states, recognizing that both of themas transnational actorsin turn impact on these states as well.

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Section: Negotiating Self‐determination At Several Levels Simultaneouslymentioning

confidence: 99%

Palestinian and Kurdish nationalism: Understanding the ‘politics of the possible’

Jensehaugen

Tank

2022

Studies Ethnicity & National

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“…At the current point in the Mexican social conflict, the device of the massacre has been used as a technology of violence in a wide range of contexts and situations, showing itself to be one of the most effective technologies for weakening the enemy and generating conditions of terror that enable a strategic display to be made or tactical objectives to be met (Moore, 2012). 3 It is a mechanism of spatial control operating within the framework of an economy of violence (Baczko et al, 2017), 4 which is a condition that structures the transnational conflictuality associated with migration processes. Specifically, the area bordering the United States has emerged as a space of contention and administration of flows through biopolitics and necropolitics that range from the control/monitoring of bodies in movement (González Herrera, 2008; Heyman, 2008) to their direct (Kovic, 2013; Magaña, 2014; Reineke and Martínez, 2014; Reynolds, 2014) or indirect (De León, 2015) extermination.…”

Section: The Massacre: Sovereignty and Necropoliticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Violence and value in the migratory passage through Central America: The Cadereyta massacre (2012) and the struggle to have the bodies returned

Araya

2020

Violence: An International Journal

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This article shows the relationships laden with violence within the dynamics of cross-border mobility from the history of nine Hondurans and their grieving families. The case occurs in the broader context of the crude contemporary production of the Central America–Mexico migratory corridor, as well as the different forms of conflict that emerge around it. This context is marked by a logic of terror and death that becomes a structuring condition of the contemporary dispute for space, especially in the border areas, among diverse actors that include the state, organized crime, and migratory movements. In this transnational field, the dispute for space, rather than for the control of a perimeter territory, takes place around the control of certain specific circulation dynamics that are vertebral in the regional configuration of the capitalist global model: the movement of people and goods. These complex and dynamic territorialization processes are taking place along with the dynamic configuration of sovereignty, in which the operation of organized crime, migratory mobility, and the processes of formation of the state define a field of power characterized by a logic of war.

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“…Of course, Baczko identified such questions at the heart of the Convention's creation of its Thermidorian image, but victims themselves have not yet been added to this conversation. 66 Between 30 Brumaire/20 November and 20 Frimaire III/10 December 1794, over 130 inhabitants from the modest commune of Puy-Rédan (now Saint-Gérand-le-Puy) in the central department of Allier were involved in discussing and recording their local experience of the Terror over multiple stages, and they confronted these questions head on. The resulting document, printed locally in the district capital Cusset, began with an address to deputy Boisset, the Representative on mission to that area.…”

Section: IIImentioning

confidence: 99%

Reliving the Terror: Victims and Print Culture during the Thermidorian Reaction in France, 1794–1795

Fairfax-Cholmeley

2019

History

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This article analyses the Thermidorian Reaction in France (1794-5), a period when the country and its inhabitants were struggling to deal with the violent legacy of the Terror of the preceding eighteen months. Beginning with the immediate aftermath of the fall of Maximilien Robespierre on 9 Thermidor Year II/27 July 1794, it offers a fresh perspective on this troubled period by focusing on victims of the Terror (both the dead and the living). A lively print culture emerged in which both individual victims and affected communities sought to reframe their past experiences to their own benefit, in particular via campaigns of rehabilitation. They also engaged in acts of denunciation which provided another link back into the Terrorist past. Collectively, these printed outputs and the methods by which they were constructed provide a useful parallel to more well-known developments on the national stage, where politicians were also grappling with the challenges left by the Terror.2 Colin Jones, '9 Thermidor: Cinderella among revolutionary journées ', French Historical Studies, 38/1 (2015), pp. 9-31. 3 Classic studies range from Albert Mathiez, La réaction thermidorienne (Paris, 1929) to Michael

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Civil War in Syria

Cited by 26 publications

References 0 publications

Palestinian and Kurdish nationalism: Understanding the ‘politics of the possible’

Palestinian and Kurdish nationalism: Understanding the ‘politics of the possible’

Violence and value in the migratory passage through Central America: The Cadereyta massacre (2012) and the struggle to have the bodies returned

Reliving the Terror: Victims and Print Culture during the Thermidorian Reaction in France, 1794–1795

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