1994
DOI: 10.1080/13510349408403399
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Civil society, democratization and development (I): Clearing the analytical ground

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Cited by 169 publications
(62 citation statements)
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“…While these interests are often tacitly understood to favour free markets, rule of law, and democracy -and are thus basically associated with a hypothetically vibrant and independent middle class or bourgeoisie -such a view cannot account for the competing interests within civil society itself. Moreover, important sections of civil society may be profoundly anti-democratic or anti-market (Rodan, 1996: 4-5;White, 1994) including, ironically, the bourgeoisie and the middle class. By the same token, the notion of social capital -which actually began its life as part of a critique of the cultural aspects of class inequalities in contemporary capitalism (Bourdieu, 1986), but was appropriated by the followers of theorists such as Becker (1996), Coleman (1988) and Putnam (1993Putnam ( , 2000 6.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While these interests are often tacitly understood to favour free markets, rule of law, and democracy -and are thus basically associated with a hypothetically vibrant and independent middle class or bourgeoisie -such a view cannot account for the competing interests within civil society itself. Moreover, important sections of civil society may be profoundly anti-democratic or anti-market (Rodan, 1996: 4-5;White, 1994) including, ironically, the bourgeoisie and the middle class. By the same token, the notion of social capital -which actually began its life as part of a critique of the cultural aspects of class inequalities in contemporary capitalism (Bourdieu, 1986), but was appropriated by the followers of theorists such as Becker (1996), Coleman (1988) and Putnam (1993Putnam ( , 2000 6.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…11 For a more detailed discussion, see, for example, Bratton (1989), White (1994), Diamond (1994), Hutchful (1995-96). opposing, directions: the existence of essentially locally based patrons, caciques, dynasties or warlords (all four terms, and others, recur in the Philippines literature) on the one hand, and on the other, the existence of a vibrant 'civil society' which includes a mind-boggling array of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), a strong labour movement, a powerful church (especially the Roman Catholic Church) network, a highly politicised academic community, and a strong Left incorporating worker, peasant, church and other sectoral groups and a Communist Party. The former, with some rotation of players, have over time substantially penetrated and appropriated the resources of the state; the latter ('civil society') has been less successful in capturing government, but has asserted itself in other ways, including 'everyday politics' (Kerkvliet 1990) and armed insurgency, and in these ways exercised a restraining influence on an élite-dominated state (most dramatically in the overthrow of Marcos in 1986).…”
Section: Society In the Philippines And Papua New Guineamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Bangladesh has since 1971 remained heavily dependent on international aid at a level of just under US$ 2 billion per year, according to Hossain (1990), although it is now declining both in real terms and as a proportion of GNP. There has been a large increase in funds going to NGOs, from US$ 120 million in 1991 to US$ 188 million in 1994-95 (World Bank 1996. It is now estimated that NGOs receive about 17% of the total aid flows disbursed to Bangladesh (DFID, 2000).…”
Section: Journal Des Anthropologues 94-95 | 2003mentioning
confidence: 99%