Civic education’s relationship to affective partisan divides later in life

Clark, Christopher H.

doi:10.1177/17461979211041332

Cited by 2 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 72 publications

(83 reference statements)

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Students who exchange arguments deepen their understanding of scientific concepts (Bathgate et al, 2015), appeal to evidence more and connect evidence and conclusions more clearly (Mayweg-Paus and Macagno, 2016), and develop a more sophisticated epistemological stance (Lordanou, 2016). There is also evidence that classroom argumentation can reduce polarisation (Clark, 2021;McAvoy and McAvoy, 2021). For example, using a large and diverse sample, Clark (2021) found that people who recalled discussing political issues and expressing different opinions at school showed less affective polarisation as adults.…”

Section: Argumentation and Reasoning As A Preparation For Contesting ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…There is also evidence that classroom argumentation can reduce polarisation (Clark, 2021;McAvoy and McAvoy, 2021). For example, using a large and diverse sample, Clark (2021) found that people who recalled discussing political issues and expressing different opinions at school showed less affective polarisation as adults.…”

Section: Argumentation and Reasoning As A Preparation For Contesting ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Education for science and democracy

Johnston,

Kierstead,

Roucau

2024

Research Handbook on Curriculum and Education

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Debates concerning school curricula for science often focus on questions of what kinds of knowledge should be represented. For example, curriculum scholars have debated whether school science should continue primarily to be as focussed on such theoretical knowledge as classical mechanics and evolution as it has in the past. Some (e.g., O'Reilly and McNamara, 2007) have presented evidence that such explicit knowledge predicts curriculum progress. Others advocate for a shift in curriculum towards scientific thinking (e.g., Gasparatou, 2017), or towards scientific literacy and applications of science to 'real world' situations (e.g., Crowell and Schunn, 2016). Yet others (e.g., Gallagher, 2000) argue that theoretical knowledge is a prerequisite for all of those things. There is another literature, albeit less extensive, on the kinds of dispositions that science educators should seek to inculcate. Much of this research addresses the effects of inquiry learning on dispositions towards critical thinking (e.g., Arsal, 2017) and motivation for learning (e.g., Cairns and Areepattamannil, 2019).In the background of debates about knowledge lie questions about the kinds of cognition that students must engage in to learn it -remembering information, developing conceptual schemata, reasoning from evidence, solving problems, and so on. But while cognitive development is necessary for learning to think like a scientist, it is not sufficient. The ways in which knowledge is deployed must also take dispositions into account. Scientists must weigh the merits of theoretical claims on the basis of evidence and reason. To do this, they must set aside ubiquitous human tendencies such as confirmation bias (e.g., Kappes et al., 2020) and motivated reasoning (e.g., Kraft, Lodge, and Taber, 2015). Scientists must embrace being wrong and see disagreement as a source of theoretical refinement, rather than as a threat to their cherished ideas.Another curriculum area in which similar issues pertain is citizenship education. Like science education, citizenship education has traditionally focussed on propositional knowledge. Students might learn about the functioning of parliaments and electoral systems, or the separation of powers. However, there is evidence that this approach does little to improve citizens' functional long-run civics knowledge (Shapiro and Brown, 2018).Beyond questions of explicit knowledge, citizenship, like science, has a dispositional aspect in respect of the importance to democracy of an environment that promotes contesting ideas. Free and fair elections are a means of implementing modern liberal democracy, but they do not provide its fundamental underpinning. For reasons we will return to, we argue that the cultural lynchpin of democracy is open debate.Science and citizenship education, then, have in common a need to inculcate respect for, and a willingness to participate in, a contest of ideas. In this chapter, we first discuss the philosophical relationship between science and democracy with reference to the literature ...

show abstract

Section: Argumentation and Reasoning As A Preparation For Contesting ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Argumentation and Reasoning As A Preparation For Contesting ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Education for science and democracy

Johnston,

Kierstead,

Roucau

2024

Research Handbook on Curriculum and Education

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…In the individuals' case, only the decisions represented by the white line allow them to achieve their personal and collective interests, since it has been proved that, with high levels of AP, people cannot pursue their personal motivations, even when they believe that they are being loyal to their principles (Pressman, 2004). In this respect, Clark (2023) indicates that civic education experiences, such as community service and pedagogy classrooms, play a crucial role when explaining citizens' attitudes towards the aforementioned inputs.…”

Section: A Holistic Interpretation Of Affective Polarisation From The...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Dimensiones individual e institucional de la polarización afectiva: una propuesta de marco de análisis

Romero-Martín,

Caraballo-Pou,

Merchán-Hernández

2024

RES

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Aunque existe un amplio espectro de literatura académica acerca de la cuestión de la polarización afectiva en Estados Unidos, en la última década ha proliferado el interés por el contexto europeo. Este trabajo pretende profundizar en las dos principales dimensiones de la polarización afectiva. En primer lugar, la dimensión individual, referida al discurso político y a la relación entre individuos y élites políticas. En segundo lugar, la dimensión institucional, relacionada con la irrupción de los sistemas multipartidistas. Los resultados muestran cómo la atomización del espectro político conlleva que el estudio de la animosidad sea aún más complejo. El presente trabajo nos lleva a concluir que, a pesar de los avances, es necesario continuar profundizando en el análisis de la polarización afectiva, especialmente en sus efectos sobre la calidad de las instituciones ya que, al desencadenar enfrentamientos entre individuos y entre partidos, se acaban postergando políticas clave que requieren amplios consensos parlamentarios.

show abstract

Civic education’s relationship to affective partisan divides later in life

Cited by 2 publications

References 72 publications

Education for science and democracy

Education for science and democracy

Dimensiones individual e institucional de la polarización afectiva: una propuesta de marco de análisis

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About