City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles.

The enclaved body: Crises of personhood and the embodied geographies of urban gating

“…These immunological townships, however, diminish the habitability of the public city, extending what Davis (1992), in his early critique, termed the weaponization of architecture into the weaponization of atmosphere. This is because the increased pollution generated in powering immunological home defenses directly usurps the respiratory freedom of those left out: diesel generators quickly fire up to maintain purified interior air during routine power cuts, and overall energy use and automobility intensify the burdens of breathing for anyone outside.…”

“…One of Caldeira's well-recognized insights is that architectural fortification represents an assault on the public city, casting the public sphere as an inherent source of risk (cf. Davis, 1992). Less recognized is her insight into the wider crisis of urban citizenship the enclave inaugurated, or the emergence of a mistrust of the urban collective as a viable social form at the precise moment when the nation was democratizing.…”

“…A dominant focus of literature on enclave urbanism wrestles with questions of how and why aspirational residential geographies become fortressed and the implications of their design for the broader "spatial contract" defining the terms of engagement between neighborhoods (Atkinson and Blandy, 2006). In these varied analyses, the fortressed complex-be it a gated community (Davis, 1992;Low, 2003;Ellin, 1997), fortified neighborhood (Ballard and Jones, 2011;Calonge-Reillo, 2022), or privatized township (Knox, 2008;Pow, 2011;Srivastava, 2014)-emerges as a response to desires to secure the self, home, and community from perceived threats from the outside. Such spaces typically employ multiple security technologies, including walls, gates, guards, and security cameras, to deter threats and simulate order.…”

“…This research has produced critical insight into how the enclave has emerged as an architectural and financial solution to a variety of crises-economic, sociological, and political. In doing so, this scholarship revealed how the fortification of residential geographies shifts distinctions between the public and the private (Davis, 1992;Graham and Marvin, 2001;Kaviraj, 1997;Soja, 2000), how the enclave (re)produces neoliberal urban policies that privilege the consumption of global lifestyles (Kuldova, 2017;Pow, 2009), and how designed natures entangle ideologies of environmental protection with exclusionary models of citizenship (Ballard and Jones, 2011;Baviskar, 2020). Much of this work has focused on those disaffiliated from, displaced by, or designed out of these spaces (Dinzey-Flores, 2013;Murray, 2017;Sawyer et al, 2021), and on the political economy of the bright developments producing the shadows into which they are forced (Sassen, 2014).…”

Killing the dead: The logic of cemetery destruction during genocidal campaigns

“…Thus, as they refute the premise of the nationalist call to war itself, cemeteries were systematically targeted for destruction. This motivation was epitomised in a comment made by the Serb wartime mayor of Zvornik, Branko Gruji c, in an interview with the Los Angeles Times journalist Carol Williams-he declared that after the cemetery and the town's mosques had been eradicated, 'There were never any mosques in Zvornik' (Williams, 1993). Crucially, Williams points out that Gruji c knew that the visitors hearing this assertion had seen otherwise.…”