Citizens policing citizens: are citizen watches manifestations of contemporary responsible citizenship?

Land, M. van der

doi:10.1080/13621025.2014.905282

Cited by 14 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…Shortly thereafter the idea spread out over the UK, Canada, and Australia (Bennett et al 2008). More recently, in several European countries a more prominent and explicit role of citizens in safety issues can be observed as well (Van der Land 2014b). In European countries like Italy and Hungary, local communities fear the citizen patrols because of their aggressive attitude; these patrols are often illegal as they do not operate in collaboration with local authorities (Van der Land 2014a).…”

Section: Co-producing Community Safetymentioning

confidence: 99%

Helping Dutch Neighborhood Watch Schemes to Survive the Rainy Season: Studying Mutual Perceptions on Citizens’ and Professionals’ Engagement in the Co-Production of Community Safety

Eijk

2017

Voluntas

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Despite the growing research interest in coproduction, some important gaps in our knowledge remain. Current literature is mainly concerned with either the citizens or professionals being involved in co-production, leaving unanswered the question how co-producers and professionals perceive each other's engagement, and how this is reflected in their collaboration. This study aims to answer that question, conducting an exploratory case study on neighborhood watch schemes in a Dutch municipality. Empirical data are collected through group/individual interviews, participant observations, and document analysis. The results show that the perceptions citizens and professionals hold on their co-production partner's engagement indeed impact on the collaboration. Moreover, for actual collaboration to occur, citizens and professionals not only need to be engaged but also to make this engagement visible to their co-production partner. The article concludes with a discussion of the practical implications of these findings.

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Section: Co-producing Community Safetymentioning

confidence: 99%

Helping Dutch Neighborhood Watch Schemes to Survive the Rainy Season: Studying Mutual Perceptions on Citizens’ and Professionals’ Engagement in the Co-Production of Community Safety

Eijk

2017

Voluntas

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“…They organise support by exploiting (or creating) social cleavages: productive-parasitic, black-white, loyal-disloyal, etc. ( [52]: [86][87][88].…”

Section: Prevent Meets the Citizen: An Hegemonic Projectmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…She is mobilised to perform within a state-defined normative, operational, and cognitive framework. She is an activated citizen, charged with responsibilities but without control over the context, meaning, and effects of her actions ([9]: 130-131; [87]: 423-425). She is, effectively, a security agent, trained and directed to discover signals of threatening potentiality in those she comes in contact with.…”

Section: Pastoral Tyranny Suspicious Subjectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Prevent paradox: destroying liberalism in order to protect it

Boukalas

2019

Crime Law Soc Change

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Counter-extremism is the most dynamic part of UK counterterrorism policy. This article examines Prevent, the flagship counter-extremism programme, through a statetheoretical lens. It addresses questions of state institutionality, state power, and statesociety relations. It argues that counter-extremism aims to avert the possibility of a political future by repressing the formation of non-liberal political subjectivities. To achieve this, Prevent divides society along political lines; aligns welfare institutions with the security apparatus; mobilises society in a security endeavour; exercises an authoritarian 'pastoral' power; replaces trust with generalised suspicion; and construes subjectivities without capacity for historical agency. Therefore, Prevent is a political paradox: an anti-liberal project aiming to secure and perpetuate liberalism.Introduction: From community to society (and from society to the state)Since its strategic relaunch in 2011, counter-extremism has been the most dynamic part of UK counterterrorism policy. It is prominent in public discourse, in institutional and strategic development, and it expands the boundaries of where security policy can apply and what it can achieve. This article examines the institutional structure, function, and rationale of Prevent, Britain's flagship counter-extremism programme; and appreciates them in the light of political and state theory. In doing so, it offers a novel approach to counter-extremism, a wider vistaand deeper critiquethereof.Critical accounts of Prevent tend to conceptualise it as a relation between the state and British Muslim communities. They find Prevent is 'construing the Muslim community as the actionable site of counterterrorism' ([82]: 7). They theorise it as a an intervention in state-community and inter-community relations [84]; as a project that maps the Muslim community [3]; coercively intervenes in the realm of theology [54]; https://doi.

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“…Indeed, community policing research has shown that the rates of participation in neighbourhood policing schemes are not evenly distributed among the population. Rather these schemes are likely to appeal to the 'usual suspects' and tend to flourish in middle-class, low crime areas populated by residents 'replete' with economic and social capital (eg Ren et al, 2006, Bullock and Sindall, 2014, van der Land, 2014, also Shapland and Vagg, 1988. Pointing to the same paradoxes of the democratization of policing, Peter Grabosky (1992: 266) warned that, given existing power imbalances in society, the more vocal and powerful groups will tend to dominate citizen participation in law enforcement, leading to the perpetuation of social injustices.…”

Section: Making Sense Of the 'Discovery' Of The Public For Migration mentioning

confidence: 99%

Enlisting the Public in the Policing of Immigration

Aliverti¹

2014

CRIMIN

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full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. Publisher statement:This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication in British Journal of Criminology following peer review. The version of record is available online at: http://bjc.oxfordjournals.org/content/55/2/215 A note on versions:The version presented here may differ from the published version or, version of record, if you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher's version. Please see the 'permanent WRAP url' above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. As border policing is no longer circumscribed to external borders and increasingly performed inland, in Britain migration work relies on the assistance of a range of unorthodox partners, including the public. The unearthing of the 'community' as a crucial partner to police a myriad of public safety issues, including migration, begs the question of what are the implications of mobilizing citizenship for law enforcement? This paper argues that enlisting the public in migration law enforcement yields important civic by-products: it 'creates' citizens and citizenship. It imparts civic training by instilling a sense of civic responsibility in law and order maintenance, and in doing so it intends to recreate social cohesion across a deeply fragmented society.

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Citizens policing citizens: are citizen watches manifestations of contemporary responsible citizenship?

Cited by 14 publications

References 22 publications

Helping Dutch Neighborhood Watch Schemes to Survive the Rainy Season: Studying Mutual Perceptions on Citizens’ and Professionals’ Engagement in the Co-Production of Community Safety

Helping Dutch Neighborhood Watch Schemes to Survive the Rainy Season: Studying Mutual Perceptions on Citizens’ and Professionals’ Engagement in the Co-Production of Community Safety

The Prevent paradox: destroying liberalism in order to protect it

Enlisting the Public in the Policing of Immigration

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