2019
DOI: 10.1080/14631369.2019.1706153
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Chinese privilege in politics: a case study of Singapore’s ruling elites

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Cited by 16 publications
(8 citation statements)
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References 27 publications
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“…In some respects, 'Japanese privilege' may be more pervasive than white privilege in Japan then, which may be related to a unique phenomenon in the Japanese context whereby Japanese people may understand themselves as being even more entitled to claim ownership of whiteness than those who we usually think of as white (Bonnett 2002). Similar patterns have also been found in other East Asian contexts, such as in Hong Kong and Singapore, where 'Chinese privilege' may be increasingly superseding white privilege (Barr andSkrbiš 2011 [2008]; Groves & O'Connor 2020;Li and Liu 2021;Zainal and Abdullah 2019). Thus, it is evident that whiteness is not an unfettered key to unbridled privileged in East Asia which may mean that white academics may be resented, perceived as a nuisance, and may even be viewed as symbolising a legacy of imperialism.…”
Section: The Limits Of White Privilegesupporting
confidence: 53%
“…In some respects, 'Japanese privilege' may be more pervasive than white privilege in Japan then, which may be related to a unique phenomenon in the Japanese context whereby Japanese people may understand themselves as being even more entitled to claim ownership of whiteness than those who we usually think of as white (Bonnett 2002). Similar patterns have also been found in other East Asian contexts, such as in Hong Kong and Singapore, where 'Chinese privilege' may be increasingly superseding white privilege (Barr andSkrbiš 2011 [2008]; Groves & O'Connor 2020;Li and Liu 2021;Zainal and Abdullah 2019). Thus, it is evident that whiteness is not an unfettered key to unbridled privileged in East Asia which may mean that white academics may be resented, perceived as a nuisance, and may even be viewed as symbolising a legacy of imperialism.…”
Section: The Limits Of White Privilegesupporting
confidence: 53%
“…Though incidents of “everyday racism” (Velayutham 2009) were well‐documented before—from a Chinese Singaporean elected official making jokes about Indians’ skin color in Parliament (ibid, 255) to noise complaints habitually filed against Malay outdoor weddings (Lai and Mathews 2016, 30–31) to “brownface” incidents in which Chinese Singaporeans darkened their skin and dressed in stereotypical Indian attire (Pak forthcoming)—Thanapal’s neologism inaugurated a growing interdiscursive chain of apology, critique, and counter‐critique of the term and its referents (e.g. Goh and Chong 2020; Zainal and Abdullah 2019). Singapore’s system of racialized majoritarian privilege, of course, does not emanate from ethno‐racial personhood, nor from demographic majority‐status, but rather co‐constitutes both as conditions of and justification for privilege.…”
Section: Postracial Policing and Counter‐critiques Of Racialized Majo...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Zainal and Abdullah argue that ensuring that ethnically Chinese Singaporeans are favoured in political and meritocratic spheres is important for sustaining hegemony. 58 Both Zainal and Abdullah's and Velayutham's analyses of racism in Singapore highlight some structural forces at the root of the production of racialised disadvantage, noting the continuing prevalence of racially charged semiotic structures in framing interactions and the continuing exclusion of minority citizens from important spheres of life, such as education and official politics. Indeed, what frequently also goes unrecognised when academic or political debate draws attention to the problems of racism in Singapore, such as when scholars draw attention to 'Chinese privilege' or 'everyday racism', is that the structures of exclusion between citizens and non-citizens may be more tangible and severe forms of racialisation.…”
Section: Singapore's Racial Regimementioning
confidence: 99%