Chinese environmental activism and the environmental politics of rumors

Worlding Chinese environmental geographies: A systematic, bilingual literature review

“…Empirically, Chinese papers focus on the lived experiences of resource use and environmental protection (Li et al 2013; S. Liu et al 2011), the evolution of dwellings and landscapes (Cai et al 2018; Fang et al 2012; Li et al 2019; Wei 2019), and changing agricultural systems (Han, Cui and Min 2012). Both Chinese (Geng et al 2020) and English (Zheng et al 2014) papers consider how farmers, officials, and experts work together to promote ecological technology innovation.…”

“…Contemporary scholarship on environmentsociety relations in China increasingly focuses on everyday life dynamics related to sustainable consumption and production (Liu et al 2019b;Liu, Oosterveer and Spaargaren 2016), water demand (Liu, Browne and Iossifova 2022;Zhen, Rogers and Barnett 2019), energy and household retrofitting (de Feijter and van Vliet 2021), food (Zhang 2016), waste (Liu and Chen 2020) and socio-spatial inequalities (Browne, Petrova and Brockett 2017;Liu et al 2019a;Robinson et al 2018). Many scholars link lived experiences of socio-environmental change with political contestation and resistance (Iossifova 2015a; Larrington-Spencer, Browne and Petrova 2021; Liu and Lo 2022;Mah and Wang 2019) and intergenerational justice and care (Diprose et al 2019).…”

Employees' geographic social identity and group pro‐environmental behaviors: Cross‐cultural evidence from 45 countries

“…Alternatively, environmentalists might oppose infrastructure projects, such as land reclamation, that have the capacity to boost the economic development of a region or even the whole country. In places where economic development is seen as more urgently needed than environmental protection, employees with a strong regional or national identity are likely to view collective efforts to protect the environment as ignoring the interests of their social group, not protecting them (Liu & Lo, 2022).…”

“…In particular, the sociopsychological basis of group PEBs has yet to be understood in the modern global context. Because some group PEBs, such as activities undertaken with environmental organizations, may be seen as impeding local economic development, individuals may experience more internal conflict when they consider engaging in group PEBs than when they consider engaging in individual, self‐reliant PEBs (Dalton, 2015; Liu & Lo, 2022). Amid the global economic slowdown caused by the COVID‐19 pandemic and ongoing geopolitical crises, people are particularly likely to view immediate economic gains as a more urgent need than environmental protection (Hitt et al, 2021).…”

Implications of COVID-19 for Climate Governance in China: The Rise of an Eco-Surveillance State?

“…In authoritarian regimes, the lack of accountability and oppression of public voices allows states to impose mass surveillance relatively easily and less cautiously, which means that surveillance is likely to be the first choice rather than a last resort for policymakers. Second, it has been suggested that authoritarian governments have a stronger need for surveillance because of the lack of alternative mechanisms for the government to receive genuine information, such as a free media and an independent judiciary [32]. Third, surveillance is not simply a means to achieve a particular policy objective but an enabling mechanism that reinforces the political dominance of the state that defines authoritarianism.…”