China's Responsiveness to Internet Opinion: A Double-Edged                     Sword

Hassid, Jonathan

doi:10.1177/186810261504400203

Cited by 21 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…As Hassid (2015) points out, however, responsiveness to pressure from below can be a doubleedged sword. For example, when people call for harsh sentences for high-profile criminal or corrupt activity, the state may be inclined to respond vengefully by inflicting popular punishment on innocent people.…”

Section: Asserting China's Place In the Worldmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political power and the globalizing spread of populist politics

Schroeder

2020

Journal of Political Power

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There has been growing interest in populism since the election of Donald Trump and Brexit in 2016. Academic discussion of populism is, of course, not new (Ionescu and Gellner 1969).There is now an extensive literature about populisms past and present and for several parts of the world (see Mudde and Kaltwasser 2017). Recent interest in this phenomenon has been sparked by the ongoing rise of populist power -if a major facet of power is seen as populists entering governments. These successes raise the question whether the current wave of populism is part of a wider realignment of political power, perhaps beyond left and right, and if so, what the causes of this realignment are. This paper will argue that there has, indeed, been such a realignment, which will be illustrated here by reference to four countries: the United States (US), Sweden, India and China. The rationale for focusing on these four cases has been made on a number of occasions, but briefly, they can be seen as being most dissimilar cases among advanced democracies (Pontusson 2005) and among the major models -an imperfect democracy in India and an authoritarian regime in China -for developing countries (Bardhan 2010). Despite this variety, these four countries have seen advances of right-wing populist forces. This paper argues that the recent success of populism in all four countries can be attributed not -as dominant explanations would have it -to economic and cultural power, but rather primarily to political power. In particular, in all four countries, there are growing constraints on the state's provision of citizenship rights which leads to a 'my nation first' politics of 'the people' -defined exclusively -against elites, and which seeks to prioritize the rights of these 'people' within the state. The explanation builds on Mann's theory of power and his account of citizenship struggles vis-à-vis the state, extending these struggles into the 21 st century. And while this explanation applies to all four cases, there are important differences between them which, it will be argued, illuminate the wider dynamic of right-wing populism.

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Section: Asserting China's Place In the Worldmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political power and the globalizing spread of populist politics

Schroeder

2020

Journal of Political Power

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“…Although not explicitly using the term reactive, researchers have pointed out that the Chinese government reacts to the size, intensity, and socio-economic class of members of the public who express their outrage online. 31 In addition, studies have shown that the state reacts differently to social organizations according to the time: during a sensitive period, for example, social organizations are expected to maintain a low profile since the government is more prone to react in this period. 32 This reactive model suggests that government officials act according to contingent factors.…”

Section: Reactiveness In Governancementioning

confidence: 99%

“… 31. Jonathan Hassid, Chinese government responsiveness to Internet opinion: A double-edged sword, Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 44(2), 2015: 39–68. …”

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confidence: 99%

State–society relations under a new model of control in China: Graduated control 2.0

Qiaoan

2020

China Information

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Graduated control models are often used to explain the variety of government treatment of social organizations in China. These models have been slowly losing their explanatory power in recent years, with advocacy-oriented grass-roots groups participating in the policymaking process. Why are these social groups not regulated in the way the graduated control models predict? Based on an analysis of three recent policy advocacy cases, this article proposes a graduated control 2.0 model to explain the new dynamics in Chinese state–society interactions. The upgraded model argues that the government officials’ behaviour patterns are influenced by numerous factors such as the inherent nature of social groups highlighted by graduated control models, and inter-ministerial competition – the power position of the state sector and its rival sector in the bureaucratic system. Some contingent factors also play a part, such as timing and the NGO’s onstage performance. This research contributes to the ongoing discussion on Chinese state–society relations by developing a theoretical model that highlights both the fragmentation and reactiveness of state control over social groups and further unpacks the ‘monolithic state’ in China studies.

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“…At present, during the emergencies in China, the information release of government and media has the following dilemmas in terms of rhetoric: improper setting of agenda topics, unclear positioning of rhetoric identity, improper adjustment of emotional tendencies, and prominent conflicts in multi-party public opinions (Zhang & Wang, 2015). When the governments at all levels are releasing the information, it's necessary to reduce invalid and useless utterance redundancy, and eliminate the interference of non-verbal noises as much as possible, thereby avoiding misleading the public and the media, and reaching a consensus among the government, the media, and the public (Hassid, 2015).…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Effects of Emergency Information Release on Negative Emotions of Netizens

2020

RACP

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In emergencies, the generation and spread of negative emotions pose a serious challenge to social governance. However, the existing information release strategies mostly underestimate the infection and propagation abilities of negative emotions. To solve the problem, this paper analyzes the statistics of Weibo posts on the RYB kindergarten child abuse incident. Based on the theory of three rhetorical appeals and the visual rhetoric theory, the textual features were examined in terms of credibility, emotion, logic, images, videos and links. On this basis, the authors discussed the impacts of information release on the negative emotions of netizens in emergencies. The results show that the appeal based on emotion helps to weaken the negative emotions, especially anger and sadness; the visual rhetorical strategy of texts and videos cannot effectively suppress the negative emotions, especially anger and sadness. The research results provide reference for the government and media on emergency information release.

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China's Responsiveness to Internet Opinion: A Double-Edged Sword

Cited by 21 publications

References 28 publications

Political power and the globalizing spread of populist politics

Political power and the globalizing spread of populist politics

State–society relations under a new model of control in China: Graduated control 2.0

Effects of Emergency Information Release on Negative Emotions of Netizens

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