China's Charm Offensive and Peacekeeping: The Lessons of Cambodia – What Now for Sudan?

Hirono, Miwa

doi:10.1080/13533312.2011.563097

Cited by 19 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…PRC was involved in Sudan by providing Khartoum with political, economic, and security support, among others providing arms used in the Darfur conflict. Similar support has been provided for the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia (Hirono, 2011). Such engagement and close relations with widely criticized regimes did harm the Chinese image.…”

Section: Manifestations Of Chinese Development Aidmentioning

confidence: 64%

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Manifestations of Chinese Development Aid and Its Hidden Meanings

Kobierecka¹

2021

ppsy

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The People’s Republic of China is one of the states focusing intensively on building its soft power and shaping its international image. However, China’s image is still negative and primarily based on stereotypes. In recent years, this country is willing to change such perceptions and present itself as an efficient, intensively developing, capable country that is much more than just a global production plant. The article aims to review China’s different manifestations of development aid regarding changing this type of public diplomacy and its meaning to the Chinese government. Is it only motivated by good intentions, or maybe its goal is to only provide an advantage to China? It is evident that owing to significant development, China needs to expand its economic contacts. However, the tested hypothesis states that behind Chinese development aid, political motivation is hidden as well. The research is based on content analysis of official documents and Foreign Ministry’s statements referring to development aid.

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Section: Manifestations Of Chinese Development Aidmentioning

confidence: 64%

“…Back in the 1990s, PRC engaged itself in so-called peripheral diplomacy in Southeast and East Asia. It enabled PRC to develop economically and build new, peaceful relations with other countries in this part of the World (Hirono, 2011). At the same time, it was aimed at improving its image in this region.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Manifestations of Chinese Development Aid and Its Hidden Meanings

Kobierecka¹

2021

ppsy

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“…In considering China's ability to shape or renegotiate international order within institutions, the focus has rightly been on the big political forums, such as the Security Council (Kim, 1979;Kent, 2009;Wuthnow, 2013), the Human Rights Council (Kent, 2010;Sceats and Breslin, 2012), the World Trade Organisation and the International Monetary Fund (Ferdinand and Wang, 2013;Economy and Okensberg, 1999), through engagement with practical implementation of norms such as peacekeeping operations (for example, Hirono, 2011;Reilly and Gill, 2000). In these studies, the questions raised hinge on whether China maintains the 'status quo' (Johnston 2003;Buzan, 2010), has become 'socialised' to international norms (Foot and Walter, 2012;Johnston, 2008), or has become a norm-maker rather than a normtaker (Lee, Chan and Chan, 2011;Reilly, 2012;Clark 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Contesting within order? China, socialisation, and international practice

Jones

2019

Cambridge Review of International Affairs

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Debates on China's relationship to global order, and particularly international institutions and considerations of humanitarian intervention, centre on a (false) dichotomy that China is either a status-quo or revisionist power. Both sides of this debate have ample empirical evidence to support their arguments and they tend towards conclusions that China's behaviour and preferences lie in the space in between these two positions. It is important to consider how China presents a contest to international order from with international institutions. This article examines the question: What is China being socialised into? Drawing on the international practices literature, this paper unpacks the types of norms that China may be being socialised into. It makes the argument that China has been successfully socialised into the practices of international institutions -the ways the bureaucracies work and can be used to achieve political goals -and pluralist-liberal global norms, but incompletely into solidarist liberal norms that have emerged in the post-2005 era. In this China has focused on state-tostate objectives of sanctions. This is particularly evident in its weak implementation of the sanctions against luxury goods aimed at coercing individuals within the regime rather than the state.In making this argument, the paper explores a critical case of China's engagement with UN sanctions. This case is important because it demonstrates -rather than either orsimultaneously both China's challenge to the world order and its support of it. In presenting this case the research draws on fieldwork from two periods of participant observation at the UN in New York and utilises elite interviews and document analysis.

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“…Through either focusing on China's role in one specific UNPKO (e.g. Hirono, 2011;Lanteigne, 2011) or mainly providing a historical overview of China's changing attitudes (e.g. He, Zhou Hang "Dragon under the Blue Helmet: a quantitative analysis of China's motivation for participation in UN peacekeeping operations " 2007; Wang & Zuo, 2010), comparative case studies are also very limited.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%