“…Hay concluded that school-based feeding programs could be part of a comprehensive strategy to address hunger, but cautioned that ad hoc charitable programs could have unintended negative consequences, such as dependency and stigmatization (Hay, 2000). In addition to these consequences, we found that children's feeding programs take on a family substitution role, thereby systematically excluding most parents from participating in program planning and operations (McIntyre and Dayle, 1992;McIntyre et al, 1999). We have also documented the institutionalization of children's feeding programs in Atlantic Canada, providing evidence to suggest that community participation wanes over time (McIntyre et al, 2001).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 74%
“…Concern that many Canadian families are unable to meet their basic food needs (National Council of Welfare, 2000) and the perception that, as a consequence, children are going to school hungry (National Child Hunger Survey, 1997;McIntyre et al, 1999;McIntyre et al, 2000) has led to a children's feeding program movement across Canada (Canadian Education Association, 1989; McIntyre and Dayle, 1992;Tarasuk and Davis, 1996;Health Canada and Childhood and Youth Division, 1999). Volunteer-driven children's breakfast and lunch programs feeding hundreds of thousands of schoolchildren have been established in schools, churches and community centres in every province and territory (Canadian Education Association, 1989;Health Canada and Childhood and Youth Division, 1999).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Volunteer-driven children's breakfast and lunch programs feeding hundreds of thousands of schoolchildren have been established in schools, churches and community centres in every province and territory (Canadian Education Association, 1989;Health Canada and Childhood and Youth Division, 1999). These programs are rarely established because of the results of a systematic needs assessment, and evaluations of their effectiveness are not conducted (McIntyre and Dayle, 1992;McIntyre et al, 1999). Once in place, these programs shift beyond their initial focus on the alleviation of hunger.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…the appropriateness and effectiveness of these programs in meeting these goals (McIntyre et al, 1999;Dayle et al, 2000;Hay, 2000). Hay concluded that school-based feeding programs could be part of a comprehensive strategy to address hunger, but cautioned that ad hoc charitable programs could have unintended negative consequences, such as dependency and stigmatization (Hay, 2000).…”
When people involved in children's feeding programs were asked to describe them, without exception they were described using phrases that reflected the perception of 'wonderfulness'. This paper critically analyses the 'wonderfulness' of children's feeding programs by examining the language used to describe these programs, and the features of a 'wonderful' program through an analysis of a multi-site, qualitative case study of nine diverse programs in Atlantic Canada. When participants justified their comments about the 'wonderfulness' of children's feeding programs, they did so based upon five perceptions of program strengths: enhanced family coping; providing good food and nutrition; socializing and making friends; behaving well in school; and volunteerism. We suggest that programs can be designed to be innately 'wonderful' if they are community- and charity-based, support a noble cause such as the elimination of child hunger, engage good people as donors and volunteers, and provide a direct service to children apart from their families. We challenge health promoters to beware of the 'wonderful' program; its 'wonderfulness' may actually be masking unintended negative impacts upon its participants.
“…Hay concluded that school-based feeding programs could be part of a comprehensive strategy to address hunger, but cautioned that ad hoc charitable programs could have unintended negative consequences, such as dependency and stigmatization (Hay, 2000). In addition to these consequences, we found that children's feeding programs take on a family substitution role, thereby systematically excluding most parents from participating in program planning and operations (McIntyre and Dayle, 1992;McIntyre et al, 1999). We have also documented the institutionalization of children's feeding programs in Atlantic Canada, providing evidence to suggest that community participation wanes over time (McIntyre et al, 2001).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 74%
“…Concern that many Canadian families are unable to meet their basic food needs (National Council of Welfare, 2000) and the perception that, as a consequence, children are going to school hungry (National Child Hunger Survey, 1997;McIntyre et al, 1999;McIntyre et al, 2000) has led to a children's feeding program movement across Canada (Canadian Education Association, 1989; McIntyre and Dayle, 1992;Tarasuk and Davis, 1996;Health Canada and Childhood and Youth Division, 1999). Volunteer-driven children's breakfast and lunch programs feeding hundreds of thousands of schoolchildren have been established in schools, churches and community centres in every province and territory (Canadian Education Association, 1989;Health Canada and Childhood and Youth Division, 1999).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Volunteer-driven children's breakfast and lunch programs feeding hundreds of thousands of schoolchildren have been established in schools, churches and community centres in every province and territory (Canadian Education Association, 1989;Health Canada and Childhood and Youth Division, 1999). These programs are rarely established because of the results of a systematic needs assessment, and evaluations of their effectiveness are not conducted (McIntyre and Dayle, 1992;McIntyre et al, 1999). Once in place, these programs shift beyond their initial focus on the alleviation of hunger.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…the appropriateness and effectiveness of these programs in meeting these goals (McIntyre et al, 1999;Dayle et al, 2000;Hay, 2000). Hay concluded that school-based feeding programs could be part of a comprehensive strategy to address hunger, but cautioned that ad hoc charitable programs could have unintended negative consequences, such as dependency and stigmatization (Hay, 2000).…”
When people involved in children's feeding programs were asked to describe them, without exception they were described using phrases that reflected the perception of 'wonderfulness'. This paper critically analyses the 'wonderfulness' of children's feeding programs by examining the language used to describe these programs, and the features of a 'wonderful' program through an analysis of a multi-site, qualitative case study of nine diverse programs in Atlantic Canada. When participants justified their comments about the 'wonderfulness' of children's feeding programs, they did so based upon five perceptions of program strengths: enhanced family coping; providing good food and nutrition; socializing and making friends; behaving well in school; and volunteerism. We suggest that programs can be designed to be innately 'wonderful' if they are community- and charity-based, support a noble cause such as the elimination of child hunger, engage good people as donors and volunteers, and provide a direct service to children apart from their families. We challenge health promoters to beware of the 'wonderful' program; its 'wonderfulness' may actually be masking unintended negative impacts upon its participants.
“…Mesmo se encontram espaço na literatura crítica sobre saúde pública. Acadêmicos como McIntyre examinaram criticamente se os programas de alimentação infantil no Canadá atlântico estavam reduzindo ou reproduzindo desigualdades(McIntyre;Travers, 1999). O mesmo encontra-se nos trabalhos sobre os determinantes sociais da saúde (O'Neill, 2010).5 Sobre esse ponto, ver, por exemplo, Frohlich e Potvin (2010, p.378): "Ao usar o termo 'populações vulneráveis', pensávamos estar-nos afastando do pensamento epidemiológico do fator de risco, que tende a pôr o foco apenas no comportamento, e sugerindo que alguns grupos são vulneráveis com relação a sua capacidade de agência, sua posição na estrutura social e suas práticas sociais.…”
International audienceThis paper examines the interplay of ethics, social anthropology and epistemology in public health. In a first section of the paper, we introduce to the large range of existing approaches looking at public health as a field of policies, as a science and as a anthropological global project raising ethical questions. In a second section of this paper, we propose an more detailed account of the main issues raised by public health through a network of four fundamental dialectical tensions. The first tension concerns the overall finalities and the double definitions of health. The second tension concerns the legitimacy of the means to reach public health aims. The third tension concerns the regime of evidence and the framing of the public health approaches. The fourth is about the power relations built into these public health practices. We suggest that these tensions, in which the polarization present a variety of shapes, are closely related one to each other. This lead to the conclusion that in public health, ethical, anthropological and epistemological considerations need to go hand to hand. To understand critically public health issues, we thus need to take into account the close interactions of sciences, values and practices.Este artigo examina a interação da ética, da antropologia social e da epistemologia na saúde pública. Na primeira seção do artigo, introduzimos ao amplo espectro de abordagens existentes que consideram a saúde pública como um campo político, como uma ciência e como um projeto antropológico global que levanta inúmeras questões éticas. Na segunda seção do artigo, propomos uma apresentação mais detalhada das principais questões levantadas pela saúde pública através de uma rede de quatro tensões dialéticas fundamentais. A primeira tensão concerne principalmente às dubiedades das definições de saúde e às finalidades propostas para esse campo. A segunda tensão concerne à legitimidade dos meios utilizados para chegar aos objetivos da saúde pública. A terceira tensão diz respeito ao regime de evidência e ao referencial das abordagens empregadas na saúde pública. A quarta tensão se origina nas relações de poder construídas no interior dessas práticas da saúde pública. Sugerimos que essas quatro tensões, nas quais a polarização apresenta uma variedade de formatos, relacionam-se entre si. Isso conduz à conclusão de que na saúde pública, as considerações éticas, antropológicas e epistemológicas precisam andar juntas. Para entender criticamente as questões da saúde pública, precisamos, portanto, levar em conta as íntimas interações entre as ciências, os valores e as práticas
Agir contre les inégalités sociales de santéTentative d'explications de l'immobilisme des autorités de la santé publique québécoise Valéry Ridde, PhD (cand), Msc, DESS L e Québec est une des provinces canadiennes reconnues pour leurs politiques sociales progressistes. 1 La santé publique québécoise a été précurseur d'une prise en compte des déterminants sociaux de la santé et intervient dans la lutte contre la pauvreté. 2 Compte tenu de l'ampleur des inégalités sociales de santé au Québec, on s'attendrait à ce que leur réduction, à l'instar de quelques pays européens, devienne un nouveau cheval de bataille des acteurs de la santé publique. Or, l'étude du nouveau programme de santé publique 2003-2012, pris comme exemple « paradigmatique », montre qu'il n'en est rien. Nous proposons trois hypothèses pour expliquer cet immobilisme.Constater des inégalités de santé entre des individus ou des groupes de personnes dans une société fait directement référence à l'absence de justice sociale. La mort prématurée de certains et la vie prolongée d'autres est une constatation irréfutable des inégalités, dont la définition que nous retenons est : « il y a inégalité à partir du moment où une différence, une disparité se manifeste à propos d'un objet dont la possession est recherchée, d'un objet socialement valorisé. » 3 Rawls 4 disait que la justice est la première vertu et Descartes affirmait que « la conservation de la santé, […] est sans doute le premier bien et le fondement de tous les autres biens de cette vie. » 5 La définition de la santé retenue est celle promue par l'OMS, soit une santé globale; 6 cependant, pour illustrer l'existence (et la persistance) des inégalités de santé, nous sommes contraint -compte tenu de la disponibilité des travaux et faute de place -de nous limiter aux données de mortalité puisque « la différence dans la durée de vie est l'expression synthétique de l'ensemble des inégalités sociales. » 7
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