Abstract:Using a subsample of the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-Birth Cohort (ECLS-B; n = 1,550), this study identified parents who engaged in more developmentally problematic parenting—in the form of low investment, above average television watching, and use of spanking—when their children were very young (M = 24.41 months, SD = 1.23) but changed their parenting in more positive directions over time. Latent profile analysis and other techniques revealed that parents who demonstrated less optimal parenting behavio… Show more
“…Furthermore, considering that our measures of aggressive and hyperactive child behaviors were based on parent report, it is possible that parents who were less tolerant of their children’s misbehavior rated their children as demonstrating higher behavior problems than their actual behavior. Thus, although parents’ report of child behavior is commonplace in the literature on parenting and child development (Ansari & Crosnoe, 2015a; Lee et al, 2015; Radesky et al, 2014), future studies need to incorporate other methods of assessing children’s behavioral difficulties at home (e.g., direct observations) to confirm that our findings are robust to such shared rater variance. Along these same lines, our measure of hyperactivity demonstrated low reliability, which makes it harder to document change in our focal constructs; therefore, future studies with stronger measures are also needed.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 68%
“…Indeed, the developmental systems perspective (Lerner, 2006), suggests that children’s development is part of a dynamic and reciprocal transaction between them and their parents. Thus, not only do parents influence children, but children also elicit (either actively or passively) new responses from their parents over time (Ansari & Crosnoe, 2015a, 2015b; Bell, 1968; Lee, Alschul, & Gershoff, 2015; Lugo-Gil & Tamis-Lemonda, 2008; Sameroff & MacKenzie, 2003; Yan & Dix, 2013). This notion of child effects — that children may actively and passively influence the ecologies that then shape their future developmental trajectories — has a long-standing history in developmental research but has been slow to develop, especially when compared with the child outcomes of parenting.…”
Using data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-Birth Cohort (ECLS-B; n = 6,250), this study examined whether children who display difficult behaviors early in life watch more television from year-to-year. Results revealed that 4-year-old children’s hyperactive, but not aggressive, behavior was associated with an increase in television watching over the ensuing year. These potential child effects, however, were embedded in both proximate and distal ecologies. That is, the association between children’s hyperactivity and increases in their television exposure over time was strongest among those in the low-end of the socioeconomic distribution and those whose parents displayed less optimal mental health. It was also stronger among girls. These results underscore the importance of considering child effects in future research and how intra-familial dynamics vary across different types of family contexts.
“…Furthermore, considering that our measures of aggressive and hyperactive child behaviors were based on parent report, it is possible that parents who were less tolerant of their children’s misbehavior rated their children as demonstrating higher behavior problems than their actual behavior. Thus, although parents’ report of child behavior is commonplace in the literature on parenting and child development (Ansari & Crosnoe, 2015a; Lee et al, 2015; Radesky et al, 2014), future studies need to incorporate other methods of assessing children’s behavioral difficulties at home (e.g., direct observations) to confirm that our findings are robust to such shared rater variance. Along these same lines, our measure of hyperactivity demonstrated low reliability, which makes it harder to document change in our focal constructs; therefore, future studies with stronger measures are also needed.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 68%
“…Indeed, the developmental systems perspective (Lerner, 2006), suggests that children’s development is part of a dynamic and reciprocal transaction between them and their parents. Thus, not only do parents influence children, but children also elicit (either actively or passively) new responses from their parents over time (Ansari & Crosnoe, 2015a, 2015b; Bell, 1968; Lee, Alschul, & Gershoff, 2015; Lugo-Gil & Tamis-Lemonda, 2008; Sameroff & MacKenzie, 2003; Yan & Dix, 2013). This notion of child effects — that children may actively and passively influence the ecologies that then shape their future developmental trajectories — has a long-standing history in developmental research but has been slow to develop, especially when compared with the child outcomes of parenting.…”
Using data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-Birth Cohort (ECLS-B; n = 6,250), this study examined whether children who display difficult behaviors early in life watch more television from year-to-year. Results revealed that 4-year-old children’s hyperactive, but not aggressive, behavior was associated with an increase in television watching over the ensuing year. These potential child effects, however, were embedded in both proximate and distal ecologies. That is, the association between children’s hyperactivity and increases in their television exposure over time was strongest among those in the low-end of the socioeconomic distribution and those whose parents displayed less optimal mental health. It was also stronger among girls. These results underscore the importance of considering child effects in future research and how intra-familial dynamics vary across different types of family contexts.
“…To test this possibility, our first alternative model included direct paths from parent involvement to all child outcomes. Second, there has been a growing recognition that children evoke changes in parenting behavior that in turn support their early achievement (Ansari & Crosnoe, ; Crosnoe, Augustine, & Huston, ). It might be that the behavior of children who enter Head Start high in academic skills or behavior problems drives parents to become more or less involved over the course of the Head Start year; thus, children's early behavior may be a third variable predicting both the parenting and child outcomes.…”
The authors examined the extent to which parent involvement in Head Start programs predicted changes in both parent and child outcomes over time, using a nationally representative sample of 1,020 three-year-old children over 3 waves of the Family and Child Experiences Survey. Center policies that promote involvement predicted greater parent involvement, and parents who were more involved in Head Start centers demonstrated increased cognitive stimulation and decreased spanking and controlling behaviors. In turn, these changes in parenting behaviors were associated with gains in children’s academic and behavioral skills. These findings suggest that Head Start programs should do even more to facilitate parent involvement because it can serve as an important means for promoting both parent and child outcomes.
“…Furthermore, our primary aim in this study was to determine whether the impacts of Head Start for parents varied across a single dimension—parents' initial skills. Parenting, however, is multidimensional (Ansari & Crosnoe, ), and thus the impacts of Head Start might vary at the intersection of multiple dimensions of parenting behavior. Person‐centered analyses, therefore, could provide important insight into who benefits most from Head Start.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…All models controlled for the same full set of parent and child covariates that were originally included in the final report of the Head Start Impact Study (Puma et al, ): child race, child gender, child age, child disability or special‐needs status, maternal education, maternal marital status, two‐parent household at birth, teenage mother status, caregiver age, maternal nativity, home language, week of first parent interview, and number of weeks elapsed between parent interviews. To further adjust for any departures from randomization, we included additional variables that have been found to contribute to parenting behavior (Ansari & Crosnoe, ; Gershoff et al, ; Mistry et al, ), namely, maternal employment, number of children in the household, hours of care per week in the focal arrangement, residential instability, and children's behavior problems (Child Behavior Checklist; Achenbach, ) and literacy skills (Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test; Dunn & Dunn, ) at baseline (fall 2002). Because parents were not (and indeed could not be) randomly assigned to the initial parenting groupings, we utilized this extensive set of covariates to provide greater precision in our models.…”
Using data from the Head Start Impact Study (n = 3,696), this article examines whether one year of Head Start differentially benefited parents as a function of their initial parenting behaviors. Four outcomes are examined, namely parents’ rates of engaging in cognitive stimulation, reading to their child, and spanking, as well as their depressive symptoms. In general, most parents demonstrated improvements in their reading practices and cognitive stimulation, regardless of their parenting behaviors at baseline. However, depressive symptoms and spanking behavior showed improvements only among parents who began the Head Start program with the most depressive symptoms and the most frequent spanking, respectively. These findings suggest that treatment-induced changes in parenting can vary by parents’ incoming attributes and that heterogeneity of effects should be considered. Implications for Head Start and other parenting interventions are discussed.
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