Abstract:The phenomenon of ambiguity aversion, in which risky gambles with known probabilities are preferred over ambiguous gambles with unknown probabilities, has been thoroughly documented in adults but never measured in children. Here, we use two distinct tasks to investigate ambiguity preferences of children (8- to 9-year-olds) and a comparison group of adults (19- to 27-year-olds). Across three separate measures, we found evidence for significant ambiguity aversion in adults but not in children and for greater amb… Show more
“…However, ambiguity attitudes (known outcomes but unknown probabilities) showed nonlinear developmental trends, with ambiguity tolerance peaking in adolescence. This finding is in line with two previous studies that also found adolescents to be more tolerant of ambiguity than adults2022, but contradicts another recent study suggesting that children may be even more ambiguity tolerant24. More importantly, we found a similar nonlinear developmental trajectory in respondents’ uncertainty attitude.…”
Section: Discussionsupporting
confidence: 90%
“…At the same time, two recent studies suggest that adolescents are more ambiguity seeking than adults2022 (but see ref. 23), and another study suggests that young children may be ambiguity neutral24. However, no previous studies have elicited the choice behaviors and attitudes of pre-adolescent, adolescent, and adult decision makers within the same choice situation as well as between choice situations.…”
Although actuarial data indicate that risk-taking behavior peaks in adolescence, laboratory evidence for this developmental spike remains scarce. One possible explanation for this incongruity is that in the real world adolescents often have only vague information about the potential consequences of their behavior and the likelihoods of those consequences, whereas in the lab these are often clearly stated. How do adolescents behave under such more realistic conditions of ambiguity and uncertainty? We asked 105 participants aged from 8 to 22 years to make three types of choices: (1) choices between options whose possible outcomes and probabilities were fully described (choices under risk); (2) choices between options whose possible outcomes were described but whose probability information was incomplete (choices under ambiguity), and (3) choices between unknown options whose possible outcomes and probabilities could be explored (choices under uncertainty). Relative to children and adults, two adolescent-specific markers emerged. First, adolescents were more accepting of ambiguity; second, they were also more accepting of uncertainty (as indicated by shorter pre-decisional search). Furthermore, this tolerance of the unknown was associated with motivational, but not cognitive, factors. These findings offer novel insights into the psychology of adolescent risk taking.
“…However, ambiguity attitudes (known outcomes but unknown probabilities) showed nonlinear developmental trends, with ambiguity tolerance peaking in adolescence. This finding is in line with two previous studies that also found adolescents to be more tolerant of ambiguity than adults2022, but contradicts another recent study suggesting that children may be even more ambiguity tolerant24. More importantly, we found a similar nonlinear developmental trajectory in respondents’ uncertainty attitude.…”
Section: Discussionsupporting
confidence: 90%
“…At the same time, two recent studies suggest that adolescents are more ambiguity seeking than adults2022 (but see ref. 23), and another study suggests that young children may be ambiguity neutral24. However, no previous studies have elicited the choice behaviors and attitudes of pre-adolescent, adolescent, and adult decision makers within the same choice situation as well as between choice situations.…”
Although actuarial data indicate that risk-taking behavior peaks in adolescence, laboratory evidence for this developmental spike remains scarce. One possible explanation for this incongruity is that in the real world adolescents often have only vague information about the potential consequences of their behavior and the likelihoods of those consequences, whereas in the lab these are often clearly stated. How do adolescents behave under such more realistic conditions of ambiguity and uncertainty? We asked 105 participants aged from 8 to 22 years to make three types of choices: (1) choices between options whose possible outcomes and probabilities were fully described (choices under risk); (2) choices between options whose possible outcomes were described but whose probability information was incomplete (choices under ambiguity), and (3) choices between unknown options whose possible outcomes and probabilities could be explored (choices under uncertainty). Relative to children and adults, two adolescent-specific markers emerged. First, adolescents were more accepting of ambiguity; second, they were also more accepting of uncertainty (as indicated by shorter pre-decisional search). Furthermore, this tolerance of the unknown was associated with motivational, but not cognitive, factors. These findings offer novel insights into the psychology of adolescent risk taking.
“…In line with this finding, other research has previously shown that risk and ambiguity preferences are only weakly correlated [26,27]. Research on aging has yielded similar conclusions, demonstrating different lifespan patterns for attitudes towards risk and ambiguity [35,[62][63][64].…”
Weather, in particular the intensity and duration of sunshine (luminance), has been shown to significantly affect financial markets. Yet, because of the complexity of market interactions we do not know how human behavior is affected by luminance in a way that could inform theoretical choice models. In this paper, we use data from a field study using an incentive-compatible, decision task conducted daily over a period of two years and from the US Earth System Research Laboratory luminance sensor to investigate the impact of luminance on risk preferences, ambiguity preferences, choice consistency and dominance violations. We find that luminance levels affect all of these. Age and gender influence the strength of some of these effects.
“…In yet another study Blankenstein and colleagues [46] found linear increases in ambiguity aversion from childhood through adulthood, while a follow-up study using a similar paradigm in participants in a similar age range found no age differences in ambiguity attitude [47]. Other studies have shown that younger children (ages 5 and 8) are ambiguity-neutral [80,81]. Given the lack of consistency in these results, future research will be required to better understand what factors might underlie these disparate patterns of age-related choice behaviour.…”
Section: Decisions Under Uncertainty (A) Decisions Under Ambiguitymentioning
Epidemiological data suggest that risk taking in the real world increases from childhood into adolescence and declines into adulthood. However, developmental patterns of behaviour in laboratory assays of risk taking and impulsive choice are inconsistent. In this article, we review a growing literature using behavioural economic approaches to understand developmental changes in risk taking and impulsivity. We present findings that have begun to elucidate both the cognitive and neural processes that contribute to risky and impulsive choice, as well as how age-related changes in these neurocognitive processes give rise to shifts in choice behaviour. We highlight how variability in task parameters can be used to identify specific aspects of decision contexts that may differentially influence risky and impulsive choice behaviour across development.
This article is part of the theme issue ‘Risk taking and impulsive behaviour: fundamental discoveries, theoretical perspectives and clinical implications’.
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