Abstract:Northern Ireland is in the early stages of transition from conflict, but progress is regularly affected by political and public discontent. A divided landscape, segregated and underresourced communities are enduring legacies of 'the Conflict'. 1 Yet the political will to tackle social and community division, consult with and support communities has been lacking.Grounded in six communities most affected by poverty and the Conflict this article illustrates the difficulties, tensions and contradictions experience… Show more
“…It's them that leads to people petrol bombin’ and all that and then they just destroy the place. (McAlister, Scraton and Haydon , p.75)Some young people in these areas consider that relations with the police are embedded within the social, cultural and historical context of their lives. They have grown up in families and communities that never trusted the police, among relatives and neighbours who experienced abuse or intimidation by partisan policing during the Conflict:The younger ones is just bargin’ [starting on] the police cos they don't know what's right and what's wrong, they just see the police as bad because we're never taught any different.…”
Section: Myth Versus Realitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…They have grown up in families and communities that never trusted the police, among relatives and neighbours who experienced abuse or intimidation by partisan policing during the Conflict:The younger ones is just bargin’ [starting on] the police cos they don't know what's right and what's wrong, they just see the police as bad because we're never taught any different. (McAlister, Scraton and Haydon , p.76)Continuing paramilitary presence also contributes to violent confrontations with the police. In Nationalist communities, this is ascribed to activities of ‘dissidents’ exploiting the vulnerabilities and insecurities of those socially and economically marginalised: ‘politicising young people on the streets … taking what was a contention between the community and the police and using it to incite violence among young people – passing on and glorifying the stories of the past’ (community representative, McAlister, Scraton and Haydon (, p.108)).…”
Section: Myth Versus Realitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…(McAlister, Scraton and Haydon , p.76)Continuing paramilitary presence also contributes to violent confrontations with the police. In Nationalist communities, this is ascribed to activities of ‘dissidents’ exploiting the vulnerabilities and insecurities of those socially and economically marginalised: ‘politicising young people on the streets … taking what was a contention between the community and the police and using it to incite violence among young people – passing on and glorifying the stories of the past’ (community representative, McAlister, Scraton and Haydon (, p.108)). In Loyalist communities, influential adults stress the importance of defending their culture, suggesting that, in the transition towards peace, politicians representing ‘their side’ have reneged: ‘Catholics get everything’, ‘Sinn Féin win everything’ (McAlister, Scraton and Haydon , pp.98, 76).…”
Section: Myth Versus Realitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In‐depth qualitative research on which this article is based reveals that the experiences of children and young people contrast starkly with claims that Northern Ireland is a progressive, rights‐centred, post‐conflict society. Those living in economically‐deprived communities most affected by the Conflict disproportionately experience its legacy: historical under‐investment; inadequate services to meet identified needs; material poverty; mental ill health; trans‐generational trauma; sporadic violence; isolation, fear and restricted movements (Haydon ; McAlister, Scraton and Haydon ).…”
Set against the progress claimed since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, this article reflects the reality of life for children and young people as they negotiate the aftermath of the Conflict in Northern Ireland. Their experiences of informal and formal policing, community and State control, demonstrate the need to understand the lasting impacts of the Conflict when developing policies and practices affecting their lives. At a crucial defining period in the devolution of justice and policing, and based on primary research conducted by the authors, the article establishes key rights‐compliant principles central to reform of youth justice.
“…It's them that leads to people petrol bombin’ and all that and then they just destroy the place. (McAlister, Scraton and Haydon , p.75)Some young people in these areas consider that relations with the police are embedded within the social, cultural and historical context of their lives. They have grown up in families and communities that never trusted the police, among relatives and neighbours who experienced abuse or intimidation by partisan policing during the Conflict:The younger ones is just bargin’ [starting on] the police cos they don't know what's right and what's wrong, they just see the police as bad because we're never taught any different.…”
Section: Myth Versus Realitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…They have grown up in families and communities that never trusted the police, among relatives and neighbours who experienced abuse or intimidation by partisan policing during the Conflict:The younger ones is just bargin’ [starting on] the police cos they don't know what's right and what's wrong, they just see the police as bad because we're never taught any different. (McAlister, Scraton and Haydon , p.76)Continuing paramilitary presence also contributes to violent confrontations with the police. In Nationalist communities, this is ascribed to activities of ‘dissidents’ exploiting the vulnerabilities and insecurities of those socially and economically marginalised: ‘politicising young people on the streets … taking what was a contention between the community and the police and using it to incite violence among young people – passing on and glorifying the stories of the past’ (community representative, McAlister, Scraton and Haydon (, p.108)).…”
Section: Myth Versus Realitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…(McAlister, Scraton and Haydon , p.76)Continuing paramilitary presence also contributes to violent confrontations with the police. In Nationalist communities, this is ascribed to activities of ‘dissidents’ exploiting the vulnerabilities and insecurities of those socially and economically marginalised: ‘politicising young people on the streets … taking what was a contention between the community and the police and using it to incite violence among young people – passing on and glorifying the stories of the past’ (community representative, McAlister, Scraton and Haydon (, p.108)). In Loyalist communities, influential adults stress the importance of defending their culture, suggesting that, in the transition towards peace, politicians representing ‘their side’ have reneged: ‘Catholics get everything’, ‘Sinn Féin win everything’ (McAlister, Scraton and Haydon , pp.98, 76).…”
Section: Myth Versus Realitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In‐depth qualitative research on which this article is based reveals that the experiences of children and young people contrast starkly with claims that Northern Ireland is a progressive, rights‐centred, post‐conflict society. Those living in economically‐deprived communities most affected by the Conflict disproportionately experience its legacy: historical under‐investment; inadequate services to meet identified needs; material poverty; mental ill health; trans‐generational trauma; sporadic violence; isolation, fear and restricted movements (Haydon ; McAlister, Scraton and Haydon ).…”
Set against the progress claimed since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, this article reflects the reality of life for children and young people as they negotiate the aftermath of the Conflict in Northern Ireland. Their experiences of informal and formal policing, community and State control, demonstrate the need to understand the lasting impacts of the Conflict when developing policies and practices affecting their lives. At a crucial defining period in the devolution of justice and policing, and based on primary research conducted by the authors, the article establishes key rights‐compliant principles central to reform of youth justice.
“…In this context, fundamental questions were asked of the legitimacy of the criminal justice system, particularly in some Catholic/Nationalist communities, where there was a widespread policy of non‐engagement with the police (McAlister, Scraton and Haydon ; McEvoy and Eriksson ). Both police and prison officers were viewed by Republican paramilitaries as ‘legitimate targets’ in the Conflict; 300 police officers and 29 prison officers are included amongst the fatalities of the Troubles (McKittrick et al .…”
The conflict in Northern Ireland known as the Troubles presented numerous challenges for the administration of traditional forms of criminal justice and has led to a variety of adaptations that have been widely discussed in the literature in criminology and transitional justice. The role of Northern Ireland's probation service is often forgotten or ignored in such analyses. This brief article is intended to begin to fill this gap by exploring how the Troubles impacted on probation practice during the Conflict and beyond. In particular, we argue that the ‘neutrality stance’ taken by probation in the mid‐1970s, when officers decided to cease mandated work with individuals charged with ‘politically‐motivated’ offences, has had a lasting impact on the identity and role of probation in the region. The deep immersion into, and engagement with, marginalised communities during this time, facilitated by this neutrality stance, has overlooked implications for probation practice more widely in the United Kingdom and abroad.
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