Chartbook of Economic Inequality

Anthony, Atkinson; Morelli, Salvatore; Hasell, Joe; Roser, Max

doi:10.2139/ssrn.2422269

Cited by 114 publications

(89 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…Looking at the history of the development of some Western European economies, one may claim that regional inequalities increase at first as economic development proceeds but then tend to slightly decline once a certain level of national economic development has been reached (Atkinson and Morelli 2014). However, as suggested by Gurgul and Lach (2011), it is likely that Poland has not achieved the turning point as of yet with respect to regional inequalities.…”

Section: Main Research Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Regional patterns in technological progress of Poland: the role of EU structural funds

Gurgul

2018

Cent Eur J Oper Res

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To the best of our knowledge, this paper is one of the first studies to analyze the evolution and determinants of regional patterns in the technological progress of one of the new EU members in transition-Poland. The results of the first part of the study prove that, after EU accession, the central region was the only part of Poland that not only reported a rapid rise in labor productivity but also managed to constantly increase its capital productivity. In the second part of the empirical analysis, we conduct a formal econometric analysis aimed at testing whether these differences in regional patterns in the technological progress of Poland could be caused by the inflow of EU structural funds.

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Section: Main Research Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Regional patterns in technological progress of Poland: the role of EU structural funds

Gurgul

2018

Cent Eur J Oper Res

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“…In selecting data sources on Gini coefficient for countries of our sample of Table 2, we use the following lexicographic criterion: (1) at least three years in the relevant period [T-10, T-1]; (2) the dataset by Atkinson and Morelli (2012) -AM12 henceforth 14 -or the longest time series between OECD (2011, Overview, Fig. 2) and WIID (UNU-WIDER, 2008).…”

Section: Appendixmentioning

confidence: 99%

Persistence of High Income Inequality and Banking Crises: 1980-2010

Bellettini

Delbono

2013

SSRN Journal

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Abstract. Differently from Atkinson and Morelli (2011) who detect no clear link between increases in income inequality and systemic banking crises, we show that a large majority of crises occurred between 1982 and 2008 have been preceded by persistently high levels of income inequality. Such association is robust when considering Gini values for incomes after-tax as well as before-tax and transfers. Moreover, we investigate the pattern of income inequality levels before and after a group of banking crises and the relative levels of income inequality in a large sample of OECD countries that did not experience banking crises between 1980 and 2010.♦ Department of Economics, University of Bologna. We thank Flavia Moi for research assistance and Marco Mira d'Ercole (OECD) and Salvatore Morelli (Oxford University) for helpful suggestions about the dataset. giorgio.bellettini@unibo.it ; flavio.delbono@unibo.it .2

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“…With the staggering increase in inequalities of recent years (Atkinson and Morelli 2014) In the present paper, we push this line of research further by analysing how inherited economic and cultural capital are shaping recruitment to upper class fractions, and how these intersect with educational credentialization and private property as two distinct modes of closure (Parkin 1979, Murphy 1988.…”

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confidence: 99%

Forms of Capital and Modes of Closure in Upper Class Reproduction

et al. 2017

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Abstract:We investigate the recruitment into the upper class, analysing the impact of different forms of capital and modes of closure. Unlike many Bourdieu-influenced approaches to class, we systematically investigate divisions by composition of capital: the relative weight of economic to cultural capital. We find capital-specific barriers to mobility: Access to the upper classes is not only differentiated by one's parents' volume of capital or the general class hierarchy, but also by the relative weight of cultural to economic capital. Drawing on theories of social closure, we further investigate the role of two distinct modes of closure -credentialism and private property. The degree of closure differs significantly between subfractions of the upper class, based on the degree to which they refer to positions involving specific credential requirements. Our findings underline the importance of capital composition, but also that closure operates by neither credentials nor property alone. In the present paper, we push this line of research further by analysing how inherited economic and cultural capital are shaping recruitment to upper class fractions, and how these intersect with educational credentialization and private property as two distinct modes of closure (Parkin 1979, Murphy 1988.We see class divisions as manifested in the distribution of forms of capital (Savage, Warde, and Devine 2005). While it is widely recognized that economic, cultural and social resources are of great significance for understanding how class 'works' (Goldthorpe, Llewellyn, and Payne 1987:99, Khan 2012), it is with Bourdieu's perspective that they come to be seen as the most 'determinant property' of social class (Bourdieu 1984:106, see the discussion in Flemmen 2013). But unlike recent attempts at applying Bourdieu's ideas in class analysis, like the GBCS, we operationalize the class structure as two-dimensional, shaped by both the total amount of capital, but also the composition of this capital -the relative weight of economic to cultural capital (see Flemmen et al. forthcoming). We therefore distinguish four main hierarchical levels of the class structure -working class, lower middle class, upper 4/34 middle class and upper class. We then differentiate the upper and middle groups into fractions by the type of capital, so that each is split into a cultural-capital fraction, an economic-capital fraction and a fraction with a balanced mix.While most approaches to social stratification emphasize the significance of education, class analysis stresses the role of private property (Flemmen 2013): Marxians see class as anchored in relations of production (Wright 2005), whereas Weberians see the divide between the propertied and the property-less as the basic fault line in the class structure (Breen 2005).But education or property should not be an either/or choice, so we move beyond this dichotomy by drawing on theories of social closure: 'In modern capitalist society the two main exclusionary devices by which the bourgeoisie construct...

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Chartbook of Economic Inequality

Cited by 114 publications

References 21 publications

Regional patterns in technological progress of Poland: the role of EU structural funds

Regional patterns in technological progress of Poland: the role of EU structural funds

Persistence of High Income Inequality and Banking Crises: 1980-2010

Forms of Capital and Modes of Closure in Upper Class Reproduction

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