This document is the author's final manuscript accepted version of the journal article, incorporating any revisions agreed during the peer review process. Some differences between this version and the published version may remain. You are advised to consult the publisher's version if you wish to cite from it. respect therefore, debates about "Europe" in the period encompass wider complexities beyond the immediate political concerns of the Shelley circle. Frankenstein and the "European" Anxiety "European" is the first adjective used to describe Frankenstein when he appears in Mary Shelley's novel. Chancing upon Frankenstein and his creation in the Arctic wastes, the explorer Walton frames their relationship in terms of a confrontation between European and non-European: "he was not, as the other traveller [the Creature] seemed to be, a savage inhabitant of some undiscovered island, but an European" (Frankenstein, 13). Frankenstein himself emphasises this difference throughout the novel, insisting that the Creature "quit Europe forever, and every other place in the neighbourhood of man" (122), as if he has no right to live alongside Europeans. Frankenstein's fear of the non-European outsider is all-consuming; he worries that if the Creature and his bride "were to leave Europe, and inhabit the deserts of the new world […] a race of devils [would] be propagated upon the earth" (138). And yet, as his obsession grows, he becomes an outsider himself, "banished from my native country", "a friendless outcast over the earth" (161). Walton defines him as a European, but Frankenstein becomes increasingly estranged and isolated, wandering in the border regions of "Tartary and Russia", at the very edges of European society. But what is specifically "European" about Frankenstein? According to his own testimony in chapter one, he hails from a multinational family, he speaks many languages and is very well travelled, building precise (and rather exacting) criteria for who a "European" might be. More importantly, he is associated with radical causes, choosing to conduct his experiment at Ingolstadt university. Revolution-era works like John Robison's Proofs of a Conspiracy (1797) and Augustin Barruel's History of Jacobinism (1797), traced the founding of the Illuminati order to Ingolstadt, and purported to demonstrate how that shadowy society had masterminded the French Revolution (St Clair, 437). Frankenstein's experimentation is therefore associated with the unorthodoxy and social radicalism of Revolutionary ideas, just as "the raising