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Both phonologically conditioned suppletive allomorphy (PCSA) and multiple exponence (ME) involve one-to-many mapping between morphosyntactic information and phonological representations. Though they are usually viewed as separate phenomena, the plural marking of Lower Jubba Maay exhibits properties of both PCSA and ME, indicating that they are inherently related. This paper argues that PCSA, ME, and other types of exponence can be analyzed in a unified way given two GEN functions and two novel exponence constraints, i.e. Max-∀LE(F) and Max-∃LE(F), which are used to quantify the number of exponents that are realized in the surface. The proposed mechanism can predict the full range of typology.
Both phonologically conditioned suppletive allomorphy (PCSA) and multiple exponence (ME) involve one-to-many mapping between morphosyntactic information and phonological representations. Though they are usually viewed as separate phenomena, the plural marking of Lower Jubba Maay exhibits properties of both PCSA and ME, indicating that they are inherently related. This paper argues that PCSA, ME, and other types of exponence can be analyzed in a unified way given two GEN functions and two novel exponence constraints, i.e. Max-∀LE(F) and Max-∃LE(F), which are used to quantify the number of exponents that are realized in the surface. The proposed mechanism can predict the full range of typology.
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mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:12.0pt; font-family:Cambria; mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;} </style> <![endif]--> <!--StartFragment--><span style="font-size: 9.0pt; font-family: Cambria; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: "MS 明朝"; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;" lang="EN-GB">This paper shows that consonant harmony and parasitic vowel harmony are more similar than previously assumed. I provide a unified and restrictive analysis of parasitic assimilation using feature spreading constraints. In particular, I attribute the differences between the attested and unattested patterns to two types of markedness constraints—alignment and agreement.</span><!--EndFragment-->
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