Changing Religious Leadership in Contemporary Pakistan: The Case of the Red Mosque

Blom, Amélie

doi:10.1057/9780230119079_6

Cited by 3 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…Characterised by multiple meaningful fragmentations such as class (see Alavi 1983) and ethnicity (Wright 1991), heavily influenced by domestic economic structures that have had to confront 'savage capitalism' (Pasha 2001), and being mostly occupied (and constrained) by different military rules, Pakistani civil society is now profoundly influenced by the long-reaching consequences of international politics (see, for example, Ali 2008) and the diversification in public engagement of religious groups that go beyond the long tradition of religious parties such as Jamaat-i-Islami (see Blom 2011). The new media opportunities of the Musharraf years are one of the aspects that shall heavily figure in future analysis of the transformation of civil society in Pakistan.…”

Section: Conclusion: Which Tangible Effects?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…After the terrorist attacks of 11th September 2001 in America, Musharraf formally became one of the closest allies of the US in the 'War on terror' (Rashid 2008, 118), but his real contribution in the anti-terrorism struggle has been questioned by many political observers. For example, Musharraf has been often accused of not wanting to crush extremism completely, as its continuous threat was the crucial factor pushing the US towards the unconditional support of a military dictator (see Blom 2011). Not particularly hated as a dictator before 2007, Musharraf nevertheless was never able to build popular support.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Virtual protest with tangible effects? Some observations on the media strategies of the 2007 Pakistani anti-Emergency movement

Bolognani

2010

Contemporary South Asia

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On 3rd November 2007 General Parvez Musharraf imposed a State of Emergency on Pakistan. During the State of Emergency the judiciary was turned upside down, the media selectively censored and many lawyers and human rights activists were arrested. While the lower classes remained relatively silent and carried on with their daily routines, an unprecedented movement against Musharraf, but more so pro-democracy and pro-judiciary, swept the country. This paper analyses the interrelation between the political concerns of a specific (upper-middle class) class subculture, the extraordinary means of communication available to them and the development of the protest. The paper argues that the way in which the protest was organised and negotiated was profoundly rooted in class divisions affecting consumption and production in the field of new media, and that where convergence between new and old media occurred, this was not enough to significantly involve other classes. The paper concludes by highlighting how meta-mediatic outputs and productions aimed primarily at a foreign audience nevertheless had an important role in changing the nature of the Pakistani public sphere, although it confutes theories that new media can produce social change at a great speed.

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Section: Conclusion: Which Tangible Effects?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Virtual protest with tangible effects? Some observations on the media strategies of the 2007 Pakistani anti-Emergency movement

Bolognani

2010

Contemporary South Asia

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“…The major religious political parties, such as JUI, JI, or an umbrella politico-religious entity like Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (United Committee of Action; MMA), have also pragmatically used Islam as a tool for political engineering. Blom (2011) identified six factors or "key mutations" among custodians of the Islamic faith in Pakistani society. First, state-sponsored religiously motivated policies have enabled the moral policing of the public, resulting in a "more volatile pattern of religious leadership."…”

Section: Political Manipulation or Strategy: Competitive Authoritaria...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Blom (2011) identified six factors or “key mutations” among custodians of the Islamic faith in Pakistani society. First, state‐sponsored religiously motivated policies have enabled the moral policing of the public, resulting in a “more volatile pattern of religious leadership.” Second, there is a reluctance of political and religious leaders to allow a public voice in religious matters due to high rates of illiteracy.…”

Section: Political Manipulation or Strategy: Competitive Authoritaria...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This has promoted a dangerous conflict of interest among their coeducators. Fifth, the brutal and violent strain exhibited by the religious student wing of a major religious political party has now taken root, and acceptance in jihadi organizations (including the sectarian outfits) has created an opportunity for the less educated to be taken advantage of under the guise of “Islamic Street Power.” And finally, the slogans of “Islam in Danger” and “Western Hegemony designed to enslave the Muslim Ummah” have never lost currency, and with Hindu‐centric (India has been synonymous with Hindu culture) state‐backed policies, the public is swayed more easily to accept politico‐religious leadership (Blom, 2011, pp. 131–43).…”

Section: Political Manipulation or Strategy: Competitive Authoritaria...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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From pulpit to marketplace: The evolution of religious political parties in Pakistan

Hussain

2024

World Affairs

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This article analyzes the extent of involvement of religious political leaders and their apparent, rather reluctant, acceptance by the Pakistani public seen in recent times. The study also analyzes the role of religious leaders in giving way to right‐wing extremism or Islamic militarism and how this challenges the writ of the state. I hope to shed light on the state‐religious scholars' nexus, forging a lasting impression in the minds of the public of their coexistence. Religious leaders have been seen to support or gain currency at the time of autocratic rulers, which is evident in the history of the martial law regimes of General Zia ul Haq and General Pervez Musharraf. This study also examines the compromise of weak democratic parties in the intervening period between the two dictatorships as well as the recent rise of political as well as religious extremism. I examine the coexistence of the state‐religious scholars' nexus where religious sentiments, often leading to extremist views, are being played for political gains by the religious political leaders.

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Reflektierte Führer in der Allianz der Toleranz: 9/11 und die Suche nach dem „gemäßigten Islam“

Fuchs

Balistreri

2022

Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques

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The attacks of September 11, 2001 spurred an intense interest in “moderate Islam” in U.S. government circles. Some high-ranking officials, for example, saw “moderate Muslims” as necessary allies in the “War on Terror.” In this article, we examine how the United States went about making allies in the Muslim world after the attacks. The goal was supposedly straightforward: “moderate” Muslims were to be strengthened and empowered to act as an antidote to radical groups. Yet such plans ran into numerous problems. First was the notoriously difficult definition of “moderate Islam,” which ranged from a simple rejection of the primacy of jihad to the acceptance of basic democratic values. Second, in reaching out to the Muslim world, the United States could not solve its own dilemma of being torn between a preference for stability provided by autocrats and the commitment to promote “Islamic” forms of democracy. These tensions resurfaced in the deepened partnership with two countries that were touted as manifestations of moderate Islam’s new promise: Turkey and Pakistan. Given their past efforts in fighting communism, both countries were seen to be potentially equally reliable partners in fighting the new “radical Islamic menace.” As we show, however, these visions did not materialize as hoped. The U.S. government overestimated the room local actors had to maneuver while underestimating the political costs that came with being tied too closely to American interests.

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Changing Religious Leadership in Contemporary Pakistan: The Case of the Red Mosque

Cited by 3 publications

References 11 publications

Virtual protest with tangible effects? Some observations on the media strategies of the 2007 Pakistani anti-Emergency movement

Virtual protest with tangible effects? Some observations on the media strategies of the 2007 Pakistani anti-Emergency movement

From pulpit to marketplace: The evolution of religious political parties in Pakistan

Reflektierte Führer in der Allianz der Toleranz: 9/11 und die Suche nach dem „gemäßigten Islam“

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