“…However, further analyses of these data by Ruggles (2009Ruggles ( , 2010 suggest that the decline in agricultural employment alongside key demographic factors influencing the availability of kin for co-residence explain roughly 80 percent of countrylevel differences in the prevalence of intergenerational co-residence and stem households. Using a multilevel approach to study the living arrangements of young couples, Spijker and Esteve (2011) similarly found that country-level economic and demographic factors, such as GDP per capita and age at marriage, halved the variance in living arrangements among their sample of low-and middle-income countries. By contrast, using a large sample of low-and middle-income countries from the Demographic and Health Surveys, Pesando and GFC Team (2019) found no significant association between the Human Development Index and the share of women in their reproductive age living in nuclear and three-generation households.…”
Section: Theories and Determinants Of Household Changementioning
confidence: 99%
“…These socioeconomic processes may either promote or hinder household nucleation, with intergenerational relationships acting as key mediators. Rising employment in large firms—as opposed to small family firms and family farms—and higher incomes are associated with higher levels of household nucleation, chiefly by promoting the financial independence or younger generations (Ruggles 2007; Spijker and Esteve 2011; Yasuda et al. 2011).…”
Section: Theories and Determinants Of Household Changementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite decades of sweeping socioeconomic and cultural transformations, accompanied by sizeable changes in fertility and marriage patterns, extended households remain widespread in many regions of the world (Furstenberg 2019). An “explosion of new data resources” (Ruggles 2012) has allowed social scientists to reject Goode's ([1963] 1970) classical hypothesis that modernization would cause a worldwide convergence to small and nuclear households (Bongaarts 2001; Bongaarts and Zimmer 2002; Demont and Heuveline 2008; Ruggles and Heggeness 2008; Ruggles 2009, 2010, 2012; Spijker and Esteve 2011; Cherlin 2012; Pesando and GFC Team 2019). Although the modernization hypothesis has been partly validated in some regions, mainly Europe and East Asia, studies show a persistent if not growing diversity in international household patterns.…”
Despite decades of sweeping socioeconomic and cultural transformations, extended households remain widespread in many regions of the world. The mechanisms explaining this persistence are not well-established. The research reported on here investigates these mechanisms in India, where the prevalence of stem and joint households ranks among the highest in the world. Combining demographic and ethnographic data, this study compares processes of household change in two villages in India's Deccan Plateau. Results highlight key pathways by which development can contribute to both the decline and persistence of joint households. In the first village, joint households have become virtually extinct in recent years. Analyses suggest that frequent labor migrations, depopulation, and slow economic growth largely explain this decline. In the second village, there was a recent increase in the prevalence of joint households. The expansion of irrigation created economic opportunities in farming and other industries. Many young men now jointly invest in land with their father and brother(s) instead of purchasing separate houses. This suggests that agricultural improvements and the revitalization of the village economy have stimulated the formation of joint households. In both villages, ethnographic data reveal the ambivalent preferences and practical considerations underpinning residential decisions.
“…However, further analyses of these data by Ruggles (2009Ruggles ( , 2010 suggest that the decline in agricultural employment alongside key demographic factors influencing the availability of kin for co-residence explain roughly 80 percent of countrylevel differences in the prevalence of intergenerational co-residence and stem households. Using a multilevel approach to study the living arrangements of young couples, Spijker and Esteve (2011) similarly found that country-level economic and demographic factors, such as GDP per capita and age at marriage, halved the variance in living arrangements among their sample of low-and middle-income countries. By contrast, using a large sample of low-and middle-income countries from the Demographic and Health Surveys, Pesando and GFC Team (2019) found no significant association between the Human Development Index and the share of women in their reproductive age living in nuclear and three-generation households.…”
Section: Theories and Determinants Of Household Changementioning
confidence: 99%
“…These socioeconomic processes may either promote or hinder household nucleation, with intergenerational relationships acting as key mediators. Rising employment in large firms—as opposed to small family firms and family farms—and higher incomes are associated with higher levels of household nucleation, chiefly by promoting the financial independence or younger generations (Ruggles 2007; Spijker and Esteve 2011; Yasuda et al. 2011).…”
Section: Theories and Determinants Of Household Changementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite decades of sweeping socioeconomic and cultural transformations, accompanied by sizeable changes in fertility and marriage patterns, extended households remain widespread in many regions of the world (Furstenberg 2019). An “explosion of new data resources” (Ruggles 2012) has allowed social scientists to reject Goode's ([1963] 1970) classical hypothesis that modernization would cause a worldwide convergence to small and nuclear households (Bongaarts 2001; Bongaarts and Zimmer 2002; Demont and Heuveline 2008; Ruggles and Heggeness 2008; Ruggles 2009, 2010, 2012; Spijker and Esteve 2011; Cherlin 2012; Pesando and GFC Team 2019). Although the modernization hypothesis has been partly validated in some regions, mainly Europe and East Asia, studies show a persistent if not growing diversity in international household patterns.…”
Despite decades of sweeping socioeconomic and cultural transformations, extended households remain widespread in many regions of the world. The mechanisms explaining this persistence are not well-established. The research reported on here investigates these mechanisms in India, where the prevalence of stem and joint households ranks among the highest in the world. Combining demographic and ethnographic data, this study compares processes of household change in two villages in India's Deccan Plateau. Results highlight key pathways by which development can contribute to both the decline and persistence of joint households. In the first village, joint households have become virtually extinct in recent years. Analyses suggest that frequent labor migrations, depopulation, and slow economic growth largely explain this decline. In the second village, there was a recent increase in the prevalence of joint households. The expansion of irrigation created economic opportunities in farming and other industries. Many young men now jointly invest in land with their father and brother(s) instead of purchasing separate houses. This suggests that agricultural improvements and the revitalization of the village economy have stimulated the formation of joint households. In both villages, ethnographic data reveal the ambivalent preferences and practical considerations underpinning residential decisions.
“…The availability of the IPUMS family of data access systems, including IPUMS-USA (Ruggles, Genadek, Goeken, Grover, & Sobek, 2015) for microdata provided by the U.S. Census Bureau and IPUMS-International (Minnesota Population Center, 2015a) providing census microdata from 82 countries, has greatly increased the accessibility and utilization of these data. Researchers use IPUMS data to study a wide array of topics, including fertility trends, educational inequality, family formation, labor markets, public health, and others (Bailey & Collins, 2011; Bleakley, 2010; McDaniel, DiPrete, Buchmann, & Shwed, 2011; Spijker & Esteve, 2011). However, in order to protect individual respondents from being reidentified based on their characteristics and where they live, fine scale geographic identifiers are generally not included with microdata records.…”
We describe a strategy for regionalizing subnational administrative units in conjunction with harmonizing changes in unit boundaries over time that can be applied to provide small-area geographic identifiers for census microdata. The availability of small-area identifiers blends the flexibility of individual microdata with the spatial specificity of aggregate data. Regionalizing microdata by administrative units poses a number of challenges, such as the need to aggregate individual scale data in a way that ensures confidentiality and issues arising from changing spatial boundaries over time. We describe a regionalization and harmonization strategy that creates units that satisfy spatial and other constraints while maximizing the number of units in a way that supports policy and research use. We describe this regionalization strategy for three test cases of Malawi, Brazil, and the United States. We test different algorithms and develop a semi-automated strategy for regionalization that meets data restrictions, computation, and data demands from end users.
“…The logical consequence of this phenomenon is the increasing number of two‐income households (Bonke, ). From the perspective of family social work, this situation produces a twofold effect: one is the redefinition of family relationships within the home (in the division of household responsibilities) (Spijker & Esteve, ); the other is new tensions between family life and working life in both men and women. Many conflicts occurring within the home and on the job have to do with how we manage this new context (Ehlert, ).…”
In the current economic crisis, middle‐class families often find themselves immersed in a process of downward social mobility. These are families in which both spouses work, and where many relational conflicts begin in the sphere of work–family reconciliation and the allocation of household responsibilities. This article presents the results of a research study we conducted on middle‐class families in Spain. We focus specifically on the problems associated with work–family reconciliation and gender, and the mitigating role played by social support. Based on our results, we want to call the attention to a prevalent and ‘new’ conflict in family‐based practice social work in Spain: the work–family conflict.
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